“13 Nov 1726: ‘We have already referred to what the English called an act of piracy, perpetuated at the beginning of September 1726 at Merliguesh (Lunenburg) against the person of Samuel Daly, of Plymouth, Massachusetts, and his crew, by the Acadians and Amerindians of the place, for which Jean-Baptiste Guédry, the son of Claude Guédry and Marguerite Petitpas and husband of Philippe II Mius d’Entremont’s daughter Madeleine, as well as his like-named son and three Amerindians, were all condemned to be hanged at Boston, where they were in fact executed the following November 13th (n.s.).’ (C. J. d’Entremont, Histoire du Cap-Sable, vol IV, p. 1601).”4615

    ____________________

“ D - Pendaison à Boston de deux Acadiens et trois Amérindiens pour piraterie.
La paix avait été conclue, mais cela ne veut pas dire que tout devait entrer dans le calme du jour au lendemain. Nous avons déjà fait allusion à ce que les Anglais ont appelé l’act de piraterie perpétré au début de septembre 1726 à Merliguesh, (Lunenburg), sur la personne de Samuel Daly, de Plymouth, Massachusetts, et de son équipage, de la part d’Acadiens et d’Amérindiens de l’endroit, pour lequel Jean-Baptsite Guidry, fils de Claude et de Marguerite Petitpas, marié à Madeleine Mius, fille de Philippe II Mius d’Entremont, ainsi que son propre fils, de même nom que son père, et trois Amérindiens furent condamnés à être pendus à Boston, où ils furent exécutés le 13 novembre suivant (n.s.). Même si cet événement ne se passa pas précisément au Cap-Sable, nous allons cependant le raconter en entier, d’abord parce qu’il concerne des Acadiens qui étaient originaires du Cap-Sable ou qui y étaient étroitement liés, et ensuite parce qu’il s’agit d’un fait unique, mais très peu connu, de l’histoire de l’Acadie, à savoir la pendaison de deux Acadiens et de trois Amérindiens accusés de piraterie.

1 - Récit des faits.
Nous connaissons deux sources qui nous donnent le détail de cette affaire, d’abord le récit du docteur Benjamin Colman, qui la raconte dans ses Mémoires, et ensuite les Archives de la Cour Suprême du comté de Suffolk, Boston, où le procès pour pirateries eut lieu.

a - D’après le docteur Benjamin Colman.
Malgré la longueur de récrit du docteur Benjamin Colman, nous croyons qu’il vaut la peine d’être transcrit ici en son entier. En voici la traduction:

Samuel Daly de Plymouth, dans un voyage de pêche, entra dans le havre de Malagash le 25 août
[5 septembre, n.s. - 1726], pour s’approvisionner d’eau, quand voyant sur la côte
Jean-Baptiste, un Français, il le pria de venir à bord, ce que Baptiste et son fils firent à
l’instant. Et après qu’ils eurent conversé amicalement de la paix qui venait d’être conclue entre
les Anglais et les Amérindiens, maître Daly invita Baptiste en bas, dans la cabine, pour boire.
Entre-temps, le fils de Baptiste prit le canoë et alla à terre. Daly et son second, avec trois
autres hommes, furent assez simples pour prendre le canoë du sloop et s’en aller à terre,
laissant à bord Baptiste, qui, refusant d’embarquer avec eux, dit qu’il appellerait son fils pour
qu’il vienne le chercher, ce qu’il fit en français. Alors son fils s’en vint avec deux
Amérindiens, qui, aussitôt à bord du sloop, descendirent le pavillon anglais et dirent aux Anglais
à la côte de demander quartier. Baptiste se ceingnit les reins du pavillon et y inséra un pistolet.
Daly, à terre avec ses hommes, alla trouver madame Giddery, la mère de Baptiste, la priant
avec instance d’aller à bord avec lui et intercéder auprès de son fils de lui rendre son sloop.
- Après quelque temps, elle alla avec lui. Mais voilà que maintenant un certain nombre d’autres
Amérindiens étaient montés à bord, et le menacèrent avec leurs haches à main. Bientôt Baptiste
lui ordonna de mettre à la voile. Mais Daly et ses hommes épiaient la première chance qu’ils
auraient de se soulever contre les Français et les Amérindiens, ce qui arriva dès le lendemain.
Baptiste ayant descendu dans la cabine avec trois Amérindiens, Daly en ferma l’entrée et eut
facilement raison du fils et des Sauvages qui se trouvaient sur le pont, et ensuite, faisant feu
dans la cabine, les trois Amérindiens sautèrent à la mer. Daly amena ses prisonniers à Boston,
où, à ls Cour de l’Amirauté, le 4 octobre (v.s.), Baptiste, son fils et trois Sauvages, à un procès
pour piraterie, furent trouvés coupables et condamnés à mourir. Ils furent exécutés le
2 novembre [13 novembre, n.s., 1726] (a).

b - D’après les Archives de la Cour Suprême du comté de Suffolk.
Les Archives du la Cour Suprême du comté de Suffolk ajoutent quelques détails intéressants à ce récrit. C’est ici que nous apprenons que le nom du fils de Jean-Baptiste Guidry était le même que celui de son père, Jean-Baptiste, ce pourquoi on distingue toujours l’un de l’autre en employant les termes “senior” et “junior”, ou en appelant le Père “Old Baptiste”, le vieux Baptiste. Joseph Roberts, un membre de l’équipage, témoigna qu’à Merliguesh il alla à terre, où il rencontra, en plus des trois Amérindiens amenés à Boston, deux Français et trois autres Amérindiens. Il donna la main à Philippe Mius, qui évidemment était le fils cadet du baron Philippe Mius d’Entremont et de Madeleine Hélie, âgé d’environ 65 ans à cette date, qui demeurait justement à Merliguesh, comme nous avons déjà dit; il n’y eut en effet aucun autre de ce nom à cette epoque. John Robert lui demanda si la paix avait été établie, et reçut pour réponse qu’il y avait une “bonne paix”. Il y avait ici également Jacques Mius, que nous avons déjà mentionné comme celui qui était, croyons-nous, l’aîné du deuxième groupe des enfants de Philippe Mius d’Entremont et de Marie,
amérindienne. Ces deux se rendirent à bord du bâtiment avec John Roberts, dont le témoignage nous révèle en plus le nom d’au moins trois Amérindiens, à savoir Jacques, Philippe et Jean Missel, probablement pour Jean Michel. D’après le même témoignage, c’aurait été Philippe Mius, qui parlait un peu anglais, qui aurait demandé à descendre dans la cabine, (“philip Mews Spoke Some English - askt him to drink a dram & eat Some Cold Victuals”). C’est alors que le déposant fait savoir qu’il fut maltraité par les Amérindiens et même par Philippe Mius et par Jacques Mius, celui-ci lui ayant dérobé une certaine quantité d’objets personnels, même une bague en or. Il n’est pas dit comment ces deux derniers réussirent à s’échapper; peut-être étaient-ils au nombre des “trois Amérindiens” qui, d’après Colman, sautèrent à la mer.

2 - Motifs pour l’acte de piraterie.
Au cours du procès, le procureur de la Couronne insista sur le fait qu’il s’était agi d’un acte de piraterie et demanda que les coupables amenés à Boston soient condamnés à être pendus, ce qui était dans le temps le châtiment pour un tel délit.

Jean-Baptiste Guidry, père, lui-même, témoigna au cours de procès que le 4 spetembre (n.s.), veille de la prise du bâtiment, Joseph Decoy, du Cap-Breton, revenant de Boston, où il était venu faire du commerce, s’arrêta à Merliguesh et dit que les Anglais retenaient son fils et que la seule manière qu’il pouvait être délivré serait de saisir le bâtiment en question, ce que lui et les autres avaient voulu faire.

(12) p. 1604
On trouvera un compte rendu du procès qui conduisit à la pendaison des deux Acadiens et des trois Amérindiens aus Archives de la Cour Suprême du comté de Suffolk, (Suffolk Court Files - 14ième plancher du nouveau bâtiment, Boston), Vol. 211, document 26283, les nos 4 et 5, et le Vol. 216, no 28868.

Le docteur Benjamin Colman, après avoir fait le récit que nous avons rapporté, ajoute le paragraphe suivant que nous traduisons de l’anglais:

Les Amérindiens se plaignaient que les Français les incitaient à de telles practiques exécrables
et ils désiraient que ceux de leur nation en soient avertis. Baptiste [Guidry, père] aussi
semblait s’adoucir, quoiqu’il se fût toujours montré un ennemi cruel des Anglais; maintenant il
désirait que ses amis puissent vivre désormais dans des sentiments d’amour et d’amitié envers
les Anglais et se comporter aimablement envers eux. - Il s’est agi ici d’un cas évident et
horrible des Français incitant les Amérindiens à ces vols et meutres, comme ils en ont souvent
commis sans aucune provocation de notre part.... Mais maintenant la bonne Providence divine
les a découverts, et a exercé sa vengeance sur eux pour leur trahison et leur vilinie; et notre
gouvernement les a sagement pendus, Amérindiens et Français ensemble, comme ils méritaient
de mourir selon les lois de tout pays. Il est à souhaiter que cette découverte au sujet des
Français sera pour eux un avertissement et leur exécution un terreur pour les Amérindiens, et
que le tout, par la bonne volonté de Dieu, conduira à l’établissement de la paix.

Sans doute c’est à cette affaire que fait allusion le ministre dans sa lettre du 10 juin 1727 à Saint-Ovide, quoique ce soit sans une parfaite exactitude, le havre de La Hève et repris par eux, qui amenèrent à Boston deux jeunes Amérindiens, après en avoir tué deux autres (a).

Il ne semble pas que l’on puisse prêter foi à la nouvelle qui arriva à Boston en juillet 1727 par voie du Canada et de Pentagoët et fut transmise par les Amérindiens à l’effet que les Amérindiens du Cap-Sable auraient tué 200 Anglais à Plaisance. Si la chose était vraie, d’autres documents en parleraient, mais on n’en trouve nulle trace ailleurs. Dummer pour sa part dira qu’il ne donne pas grand crédit à cette histoire (b).

1603
(a) - Coll. of the Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol. 6, (1799), pp. 109-110.
- Thomas C. Haliburton, A General Description of Nova Scotia; illustrated by a new and correct
Map, (1st ed., Halifax, 1923), p. 196.

1618
(a) - Coll. de Mss rel. à la N.-F., vol. III, p. 134.
(b) - Coll. of the Maine Hist. Soc., 1st Series, Vol. III, p. 428. “

Translation:
“ D - Hanging at Boston of two Acadians and three Indians for piracy.
Peace had been concluded, but that does not mean to say that all must become calm overnight. We have already alluded to that which the English have called an act of piracy committed at the beginning of September 1726 at Merliguesh (Lunenburg), on the person of Samuel Daly, of Plymouth, Massachusetts, and on his crew, of the concern for Acadians and for Indians at that place, for which Jean-Baptiste Guidry, son of Claude and of Marguerite Petitpas, married to Madeleine Mius, daughter of Philippe II Mius d’Entremont, at the same time as his own son, with the same name as his father, and three Indians were sentenced to be hung at Boston, where they were executed the 13th of November following (n.s.). Even if that event did not happen precisely at Cap-Sable, we go on nevertheless to tell it in full, at first because it concerns some Acadians who were originally from Cap-Sable or who were closely connected, and then because it is a matter of a unique event, but very little known, from the history of Acadia, namely the hanging of two Acadians and of three Indians accused of piracy.

1 - Account of the events.
We are aware of two sources which give us the detailed account of this affair, at first the account of the doctor Benjamin Colman, who relates it in his Mémoires, and then the Archives of the Supreme Court of the County of Suffolk, Boston, where the trial for piracy took place.

a- From the doctor Benjamin Colman.
In spite of the length of the account of the doctor Benjamin Colman, we believe that it is worthwhile to be transcribed here in full. Thus here is the translation:

Samuel Daly of Plymouth, on a fishing voyage, put into Malegash harbour, to water, on the 25th
of August [5 September, n.s. - 1726], when seeing John Baptist, a Frenchman, on the shore, he
hailed him, and asked him to come on board; which Baptist and his son presently did; and after
some friendly talk of the peace, lately concluded between the English and Indians, master Daly
asked Baptist down into his cabin to drink. The meanwhile, Baptist’s son took the canoe and
went ashore. Daly and his mate, with three more men, were so simple as to take the sloop’s
canoe and go ashore, leaving Baptist on board, who declined to go with them, saying, that he
would call his son to carry him, which he soon did in French, and off came his son with two
Indians, who, as soon as they had got on board the sloop, took down the English ensign; the
Indians bidding the English on the shore to ask quarter. Baptist girded the ensign about his
waist, and tucked a pistol in it. Daly, with his men on shore, went to Mrs. Giddery, the mother
of Baptist, and begged her to go on board with him, and intercede with her son to restore him his
sloop. - After some time, she went with him, but now several more Indians had got on board,
who threatened him with their hatchets. Baptist soon ordered him to come to sail; but Daly and
his men watched for the first opportunity to rise upon the French and Indians, and found one the
very next day; upon Baptist’s going down into the cabin with three of the Indians, Daly shut
the cabin door upon them, easily mastered the son and the Indians upon the deck, and then firing
into the cabin, the three Indians threw themselves into the sea. Daly brought his prisoners to
Boston, where at a court of admiralty for the trial of piracies, on the 4th of October (v.s),
Baptist, his son, and three Indians were found guilty and condemned to die, and were executed
on the 2nd of November [13 November, n.s., 1726].

b - From the Archives of the Supreme Court of the County of Suffolk.
The Archives of the Supreme Court of the County of Suffolk add several interesting details to this account. It is here that we learn that the name of the son of Jean-Baptiste Guidry was the same as that of his father, Jean-Baptiste, which is why we always distinguish the one from the other by using the terms “senior” and “junior”, where by calling the Father “Old Baptiste”, the old Baptiste. Joseph Roberts, a member of the crew, testified that at Merliguesh he went ashore, where he met, in addition to the three Indians brought to Boston, two Frenchmen and three other Indians. He gave his hand to Philippe Mius, who evidently was the younger son of Baron Philippe Mius d’Entremont and of Madeleine Hélie, age of 65 years at that date, who lived precisely at Merliguesh, as we have already said; he had in fact nothing other than his name at that time. John Robert asked him if the peace had been established, and received in response that there was here a “good peace”. There was here also Jacques Mius, who we have already mentioned as the one who was, we believe, the eldest of the second group of children of Philippe Mius d’Entremont and of Marie, Indian. These two returned on board the ship with John Roberts, whose testimony reveals to us in addition the name of at least three Indians, namely Jacques, Philippe and Jean Missel, probably for Jean Michel. According to the same testimony, it would have been Philippe Mius, who spoke a little English, who would have asked to go down in the cabin, (“philip Mews Spoke Some English - akst him to drink a dram & est Some Cold Victuals”). It is while giving evidence he makes known that he was handled roughly by the Indians and even by Philippe Mius and Jacques Mius, these having stolen a certain quantity of personal things, even a gold ring. He does not say how these last two managed to get away; perhaps they are numbered among the “three Indians” who, according to Colman, jumped into the sea.

2 - Motives for the act of piracy.
In the course of the trial, the attorney for the Crown insisted on the fact that this was a question of an act of piracy and demanded that the culprits brought to Boston be sentenced to be hung, which was at the time the punishment for such an offense.

Jean-Baptiste Guidry, père, himself, testified in the course of the trial that September 4th (n.s.), the day before the capture of the ship, Joseph Decoy, of Cap-Breton, returning from Boston, where he had gone to trade, stopped at Merliguesh and said that the English kept his son and that the only way he could be rescued would be to seize the ship in question, which he and the others had tried to do.

(12) p. 1604
One will find a report of the trial which led to the hanging of the two Acadians and the three Indians at the Archives of the Supreme Court of the County of Suffolk, (Suffolk Court Files - 14th floor of the new building, Boston), Vol. 211, document 26283, Nos. 4 and 5, and Vol. 216, No. 28868.

The doctor Benjamin Colman, after having made the account which we have reported, added the following paragraph which we translate from the English:

The Indians complained that the French misled them into such villainous practices, and wished
their countrymen would take warning by them. Baptist also seemed to relent, and though he had
always shown himself a bitter enemy to the English, he now wished his friends would live in
love and friendship hereafter with them, and carry kindly to them. - This was a plain and
horrid instance of the French their instigating the Indians to those villainous robberies and
murders, which they have so often committed without any provocation on our part. And no
doubt it was from their rage at the peace lately made, and in hopes that this might be resented
by us as an open and manifest breach of it, and prove a means of a new war, that they led the
Indians into this cursed act on the first opportunity that offered. They had also found the war
gainful to them, and were loth to lose the plunder and spoil it brought them; partly from the
Indians, who carried all they took to them; but more especially from the advantage, which the
war gave them to head the Indians in the spoils they made the last war upon our fishing vessels.
But now the good providence of God discovered them, and took vengeance of them for their
treachery and villainy; and our government wisely hung them up, Indians and French together; as
they well deserved to die by the laws of all nations. We hope this detection of the French will be
a warning to them, and their execution a terror to the Indians; and the whole turn, by the good
will of God, to the establishment of the peace.

Without doubt it is to this affair that the minister alludes in his letter of 10 June 1727 at Saint-Ovide, although it is without complete accuracy, when he speaks of an English ship seized in the harbor of La Hève and recaptured by them , who brought to Boston two young Indians, after having killed two others (a).

It does not appear that we can believe the account which arrived at Boston in July 1727 by way of Canada and of Pentagoët and was conveyed by the Indians to the effect that the Indians of Cap-Sable would have killed 200 English at Plaisance. If the matter were true, some other documents would have spoken of it, but we find no trace of it elsewhere. Dummer for his part will say that he did not give much credit to that story (b).

1603
(a) - Coll. of the Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol. 6, (1799), pp. 109-110.
(b) - Thomas C. Haliburton, A General Description of Nova Scotia; illustrated by a new and correct Map, (1st ed., Halifax, 1923), p. 196.

1618
(a) - Coll. de Mss rel. à la N.-F., vol. III, p. 134.
(b) - Coll. of the Maine Hist. Soc., 1st Series, Vol. III, p. 428. “4643

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“ Acadiens et Amérindiens pendus à Boston 13 novembre 1726
A l’été de 1726, le caboteur Joseph Decoy, Acadien du Cap-Breton, se rendit à Boston faire du commerce, où on retint son fils, pour une raison qui n’est pas donnée. En désespoir de cause, il fut obligé de s’en retourner sans son fils. Chemin faisant, il s’arrêta le 4 septembre à Merliguesh (aujourd’hui Lunenburg), et raconta aux Acadiens qui y étaient établis ce qui était arrivé. La seule manière de délivrer son fils, leur dit-il, serait de s’emparer de l’un des nombreux bateaux de la Nouvelle-Angleterre qui faisaient pêche sur les côtes de l’Acadie, et de le garder en otage afin d’en faire l’échange pour son fils.

On n’eut pas à attendre longtemps. Dès le lendemain, le capitaine Samuel Daly, de Plymouth, Massachusetts, entra dans le havre de Merliguesh afin de s’approvisionner d’eau. Sous prétexte de rendre une visite de courtoisie au capitaine et à son équipage, un certain nombre d’Acadiens de Merliguesh, ainsi que quelques Amérindiens, se rendirent à bord. Il y avait Philippe II Mius d’Entremont, fils du baron et de Madeleine Hélie; son propre fils Jacques, dont la mére était une Amérindienne; son gendre Jean-Baptiste Guidry, fils de Claude Guidry et de Marguerite Peitipas, marié à Madeleine Mius, fille de Philippe II; et le fils de Jean-Baptiste Guidry, du même nom que son père.

Pendant que l’équipage se trouvait à terre, sûrement pour se procurer de l’eau, d’autres Amérindiens se rendirent à bord, afin d’aider les Acadiens à s’emparer du bateau. Lorsque le capitaine et l’équipage revinrent à bord, les assaillants s’en emparèrent et déclarèrent qu’ils saisissaient le bateau. Jean-Baptiste Guidry, père, prit charge de la situation; il descendit le pavillon anglais, s’en ceignit les reins et y inséra un pistolet. Le lendemain, quand on se disposait à faire voile pour une destination qui n’est pas donnée, Baptiste, père commit l’imprudence de descendre dans la cabine avec trois Amérindiens; c’est alors que Daly réussit à en fermer l’entrée. Ceux qui gardaient les prisonniers sur le pont, voyant qu’ils seraient facilement vaincus, se jetèrent à la mer, laissant Daly et son équipage avec leurs captifs, qui étaient Jean-Baptiste Guidry, son fils et trois Amérindiens, dont les archives nous ont conservé les noms, à savoir, Jacques, Philippe et Jean Missel (mis probablement pour Michel). Daly amena ces cinq prisonniers à Boston, où, à la Cour de l’Amirauté, le 15 octobre, Baptiste, son fils et les trois Amérindiens, à un procès pour piraterie, furent trouvés coupables et condamnés à mourir. Un mois plus tard, le 13 novembre, tous les cinq montaient sur l’échafaut à Boston et expirèrent, la corde au cou. C’est ainsi, de conclure un auteur du temps, que la bonne Providence divine a exercé sa vengeance sur eux pour leur trahison et leur vilenie... C.-J. d’Entremont, ptre “

Translation:
“ Acadians and Indians Hung at Boston 13 November 1726
In the summer of 1726, the coasting vessel pilot Joseph Decoy, Acadian of Cap-Breton, went to Boston to do some trading, where they detained his son, for a reason which is not given. As a last resort, he was compelled to return without his son. On the way he stopped the 4th of September at Merliguesh (today Lunenburg), and related to the Acadians who were settled there what had happened. The only way to rescue his son, he told them, would be to seize one of the numerous boats of New England which fished on the coasts of Acadia, and to keep it as hostage in order to exchange for his son.

They did not have to wait long. As early as the next day the Captain Samuel Daly, of Plymouth, Massachusetts, came into the harbor of Merliguesh in order to supply himself with water. On the pretext to pay a courtesy visit to the captain and to his crew, a certain number of Acadians from Merliguesh, as well as several Indians, went on board. There was Philippe II Mius d’Entremont, son of the baron and of Madeleine Hélie; his own son Jacques, whose mother was an Indian; his son-in-law Jean-Baptiste Guidry, son of Claude Guidry and of Marguerite Petitpas, married to Madeleine Mius, daughter of Philippe II; and the son of Jean-Baptiste Guidry, of the same name as his father.

While the crew were ashore, surely to get some water, some other Indians went on board, in order to help the Acadians to seize the boat. When the captain and the crew returned on board, the assailants seized them and declared that they were taking possession of the boat. Jean-Baptiste Guidry, père, took charge of the situation; he took down the English flag, bound it around his waist and put a pistol in there. The next day, while they prepared to sail to a destination that is not known, Baptiste, père committed the unwariness to go down in the cabin with three Indians; this is when Daly succeeded to seal up the entrance to them. Those who were guarding the prisoners on the deck, seeing that they would be readily overcome, threw themselves into the sea, leaving Daly and his crew with their captives, who were Jean-Baptiste Guidry, his son and three Indians, of whom the archives have preserved for us the names, namely, Jacques, Philippe and Jean Missel (translated probably for Michel). Daly brought these five prisoners to Boston, where, at the Court of Admiralty, the 15th of October, Baptiste, his son and the three Indians, at a trial for piracy, were found guilty and sentenced to die. A month later, the 13th of November, all five climbed on the platform at Boston and died, the rope on the neck. This is thus, to conclude an author of the period, how the good divine Providence has exerted his vengeance on them for their treachery and the vile action ... C.-J. d’Entremont, ptre. “4588,4589

    ____________________

“ SOME MEMOIRS FOR THE CONTINUATION FO THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES OF THE NEW-ENGLISH COLONIES, FROM THE BARBAROUS AND PERFIDIOUS INDIANS, INSTIGATED BY THE MORE SAVAGE AND INHUMAN FRENCH OF CANADA AND NOVA-SCOTIA. BEGAN NOVEMBER 3, 1726. BY BENJAMIN COLMAN, D.D.

It was at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, August the 5th, 1726, that the honourable William Dummer, lieutenant governor and commander in chief of his majesty’s province of the Massachusetts Bay, with the honourable John Wentworth, esquire, lieutenant-governor of New Hampshire, and major Mascarene, delegated from his majesty’s province of Nova-Scotia, concluded a peace with Wenemovet, chief sachem and sagamore of the Penobscot tribe. We then were ready to flatter ourselves, that a foundation was laid for some lasting peace with these treacherous natives. Not but that we were well aware of the narrow and feeble foot that peace was built on; only one tribe of the Indians appearing and acting in it; though, as they declared in the name of the other eastern tribes, and promising to resent it, and join with us, in case any of the tribes should rise against us. Nevertheless, they had suffered so much in the last short war, through the blessing of God upon the councils and arms of the provinces; that we thought they would be glad of peace, and then our trading-houses were now put into so good order, to the great advantage of the savages, that we concluded their interest would keep them quiet. For the Indians may buy of us far cheaper all sorts of goods they need, than they can of the French; and the goods in our trading-houses are carried, in a manner, to the very doors of the eastern tribes. But notwithstanding all these reasonable prospects, and hopeful grounds of peace, within less than a month the French and Indians began new outrages upon us.

Samuel Daly of Plymouth, on a fishing voyage, put into Malegash harbour, to water, on the 25th
of August, when seeing John Baptist, a Frenchman, on the shore, he hailed him, and asked him to come on board; which Baptist and his son presently did; and aftersome friendly talk of the peace, lately concluded between the English and Indians, master Daly asked Baptist down into his cabin to drink. The meanwhile, Baptist’s son took the canoe and went ashore. Daly and his mate, with three more men, were so simple as to take the sloop’s canoe and go ashore, leaving Baptist on board, who declined to go with them, saying, that he would call his son to carry him, which he soon did in French, and off came his son with two Indians, who, as soon as they had got on board the sloop, took down the English ensign; the Indians bidding the English on the shore to ask quarter. Baptist girded the ensign about his waist, and tucked a pistol in it. Daly, with his men on shore, went to Mrs. Giddery, the mother of Baptist, and begged her to go on board with him, and intercede with her son to restore him his sloop. After some time, she went with him, but now several more Indians had got on board, who threatened him with their hatchets. Baptist soon ordered him to come to sail; but Daly and his men watched for the first opportunity to rise upon the French and Indians, and found one the very next day; upon Baptist’s going down into the cabin with three of the Indians, Daly shut the cabin door upon them, easily mastered the son and the Indians upon the deck, and then firing into the cabin, the three Indians threw themselves into the sea. Daly brought his prisoners to
Boston, where at a court of admiralty for the trial of piracies, on the 4th of October, Baptist, his son, and three Indians were found guilty and condemned to die, and were executed
on the 2nd of November.

The Indians complained that the French misled them into such villainous practices, and wished
their countrymen would take warning by them. Baptist also seemed to relent, and though he had always shown himself a bitter enemy to the English, he now wished his friends would live in love and friendship hereafter with them, and carry kindly to them.

This was a plain and horrid instance of the French their instigating the Indians to those villainous robberies and murders, which they have so often committed without any provocation on our part. And no doubt it was from their rage at the peace lately made, and in hopes that this might be resented by us as an open and manifest breach of it, and prove a means of a new war, that they led the Indians into this cursed act on the first opportunity that offered. They had also found the war gainful to them, and were loth to lose the plunder and spoil it brought them; partly from the Indians, who carried all they took to them; but more especially from the advantage, which the war gave them to head the Indians in the spoils they made the last war upon our fishing vessels. But now the good providence of God discovered them, and took vengeance of them for their treachery and villainy; and our government wisely hung them up, Indians and French together; as they well deserved to die by the laws of all nations. We hope this detection of the French will be a warning to them, and their execution a terror to the Indians; and the whole turn, by the good will of God, to the establishment of the peace. “4617

    ____________________

“ Hanging of two Acadians and three Indians in Boston
[Reprint of Heritage Series, by Rev. C. J. d’Entremont taken from: The Vanguard, Yarmouth, N.S. January 31, 1989]

Captain Joseph Decoy, from Cape Breton, used to trade in Boston with his vessel. This was in the 1720’s. On one of his trips he took with him his son, who was detained in Boston for a reason which was not given. On his way back, he stopped at Mirliguesh, now Lunenburg, and told the Acadians and Indians what had happened. He told them that the only way that his son could be redeemed would be to seize one of the many vessels from Boston and vicinity fishing on the coast of Nova Scotia and offer it in ransom for his son. This was September 4, 1726 (New Style).

They did not have to wait long. The very next day, captain Samuel Daly, of Plymouth, Massachusetts, on a fishing voyage, put his sloop into Merliguesh Harbour to fetch fresh water.

John Roberts, one of the crew, went on shore and met some frenchmen and some indians. Among the group was Philippe Mius d’Entremont, Jr. son of the Baron Philippe Mius d’Entremont, Sr., and of Magdeleine Helie. He shook hands with him and they spoke of peace which had just been signed between the English and the Indians. John Roberts took Philippe Mius d’Entremont, Jr., his son Jacques with him when he went back to the sloop. In the meantime, Daly invited another Acadian, Jean-Baptiste Guidry, to do likewise, which he did the same with his son of the same name. This was Jean-Baptiste Guidry (now written Jeddry), 42 years old, the son of Claude Guidry and of Marguerite Petitpas. He had married Madeleine Mius, the daughter of Philippe Mius d’Entremont, Jr., and of Marie, his Indian wife.

After a friendly conversation, Daly asked his guests down into his cabin for a drink. In the meantime, Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Jr., went ashore. He was soon followed by Daly, his mate and the three members of the crew, plus Philippe Mius d’Entremont, Jr., and his son Jacques. Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Sr., refused to go, saying he would call his son to come and get him, which he did in French, so thought Daly and his men.

The son came back to the sloop with some Indians. As soon as they got aboard, they took down the English ensign, which Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Sr., girded about his waist, and tucked a pistol into it. That is when the members of the crew on shore were told to ask for quarter. Immediately, Daly went to Mrs. Guidry, “the mother of Baptiste”, says one version, thus Marguerite Petitpas. He begged her to come on board with him and intercede with his son to restore his sloop. She finally consented to go.

Others followed, so that on board, at a time there were the five men of the sloop, Jean-Baptiste Guidry, his son, his mother, Philippe Mius d’Entremont, his son Jacques and six Indians. Mrs. Guidry did not succeed in her plea, on the contrary. The Indians, at this time, even threatened the crew with their hatchets. John Roberts testified that “Philip Mews” and an Indian, by the name of Jean Missel, took hold of him and trussed him into the forecastle. “Philip Mews spoke some English - asked him to drink a dram and Eat Cold Victuals.” It is then that Jacques Mius struck him and “told him he would kill him and cut his head off - called him a Son of a B.....”. He stole from him, among other things, his gold ring.

Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Sr., seems to have take charge of the situation. He soon ordered Daly to come to sail. This was just before 8 o’clock in the evening. It is not clear what happened to Philippe Mius d’Entremont, Jr., his son, and Mrs. Guidry, because the next day they were not in the sloop; there were only Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Sr., his son and six Indians, apart from the five members of the crew. Most probably they left in the evening or during the night to take Mrs. Guidry home, maybe with the intention to come back next day to help Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Sr.

It is not stated how far they sailed. Daly and his men watched for the first opportunity to rise upon their captors. It so happened that they found one the very next day. Jean-Baptiste Guidry, Sr., went down into the cabin with three Indians, leaving the three others with his son to guard the prisoners. But Daly managed to shut the cabin door upon them and to master the son and the three Indians who were on deck. He then fired into the cabin. The three Indians jumped into the sea, while Jean-Baptiste, Jr. was kept at bay. And so finally Daly was in full charge of the sloop.

Daly left immediately for Boston with his five prisoners, the two Guidrys and the three Indians, whose names we have, viz., Jacques, Philippe and Jean Missel, put probably for Michel; they could have been brothers.

In Boston, they were found guilty of piracy on the high-seas, for which the penalty prescribed by the law was to be hung by the neck till death follows. The trial had taken place October 15th (New Style). And thus those two Acadians and three Indians from Merliguesh were hung in Boston on November 13 of the same year 1726.

The narrator, Dr. Benjamin Colman, from whom we hold this story from his memoirs, along with the Supreme Court of Suffolk County in Boston, blames the French for this conspiracy, rather than the Indians who “complained that the French misled them into such villainous practices.” Then he adds: “The good providence of God ... took vengeance of them for their treachery and villainy; and our government wisely hung them up ... as they well deserved to die by the laws of all nations.” “4572,4618,4619

    ____________

“ C - Restrictions imposées aux Acadiens: Les passeports.
D’après ce qui précède, on pourrait croire que, malgré la paix d’Aix-la-Chapelle, la guerre commencée en Acadie en 1744 se continuait, au moins en mer. C’était, en fin de compte, pour obtenir le monopole de la mer ou des richesses côtières que l’on en venait aux prises. Shirley craignait que les Acadiens s’en mêlent; c’est pourquoi il songeait à les expulser. Déjà certains d’entre eux avaient aidé les envahisseurs au cours de la guerre. Résolu à se montrer intransigeant envers eux, le 21 octobre (v.s.) 1747, il émettait une proclamation ordonnant l’arrestation de ceux qu’il accusait de haute trahison pour avoir prêté main-forte aux Français. Une récompense de 50# était offerte à quiconque appréhendrait dans les six mois l’un ou l’autre des douze criminels suivants, à Louis Gautier et ses deux fils, Joseph et Pierre; Amand Bugeau, dit ici Bigeau; Joseph LeBlanc, dit Le Maigre, que nous avons déjà vu aux prises avec la loi, comme Amand Bugeau; après le siège d’Annapolis; Charles et François Raymond, frères de Jean-Baptiste Raymond, qui épousa Marie-Josephte Mius, fille de Joseph I, dit d’Azy; les deux frères Charles et François, fils de Jean Roy, dit La Liberté, et de Marie Aubois; Joseph Brassard, dit Beausoleil; Pierre Guidry, dit Grivois, frère de Jean-Baptiste qui fut pendu à Boston en 1726 avec son fils, et de Paul, “le bon pilote côtier”; et Louis Hébert (b).

Pour prévenir toute coopération de la part des Acadiens à l’endroit des Français, on leur défendait de se déplacer d’un lieu en un autre sans permission ou passeport. Ce ne fut pas seulement l’autorité anglaise qui formula une telle demande, mais aussi La Galissonière, quoique ce fût pour d’autres motifs, à savoir afin qu’ils ne soient pas molestés par les corsaires.

Nous avons des exemples de ces exigences en Acadie en général, et plus particulièrement au Cap-Sable.

1- En Acadie en général.
Le règle du passeport s’appliquait à tout le monde, sans quoi on risquait de se faire arrêter et de subir les conséquences. Les Archives de la Nouvelle-Ecosse nous révèlent que les missionnaires étaient soumis à cette loi comme tous les autres. Pour donner un exemple entre autres, disons que le 21 septembre 1754, William Cotterell, secrétaire de la province, écrivait au capitaine Alexander Murray, qui commandait au Fort Edward, à Pisiquid, lui demandant d’avertir le pilote Grivois (8) que s’il va à Merliguesh sans passeport, on se saisira de lui (a). Après l’arrivée des colons recrutés en Europe, la même consigne leur fut appliquée (b).

De même que les autorités anglaises de la Nouvelle-Ecosse appliquèrent la loi du passeport aux leurs, afin de les protéger, de même La Galissonière, pour la même raison, demandait aux Acadiens de se munir d’un passeport pour voyager. C’est un fait que les gens ne pouvaient pas aller de l’île Royale à l’île Saint-Jean our vice versa sans passeport des autorités françaises. Cependant cette précaution, pour les protéger contre la menace des corsaires ou “des bâtiments armés en guerre”, pouvait s’avérer inutile, car au dire du comte de Raymond, ils ne respectaient même pas les passeports. A l’été ou à l’automne de 1751, il écrivait que les Anglais manquaient formellement au traité d’Aix-la-Chapelle.

(8) p. 1830
Le pilote Grivois, que le capitaine Alexander Murray devait avertir en 1754 de ne pas se rendre de Pisiquid à Merliguesh sans passeport, ne doit pas être confondu avec Paul Guidry, dit Grivois, que nous avons déjà trouvé comme étant dit “bon pilote côtier”. A cette date, en effet, Paul Guidry devait être à l’île Royale; en 1749, il était à Port-Lajoie, île Saint-Jean, et en 1752 à la baie des Espagnols, île Royale (b).

Il se serait agi plutôt de son neveu, Jean Guidry, dit Grivois, que Placide Gaudet fait naître en 1721, le donnant comme l’aîné des enfants de Pierre Guidry et de Marguerite Brasseau. Il épousa peu de temps avant la Dispersion Marguerite Picot, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blin. Il dut s’enfuir de Merliguesh pour éviter les menaces des Amérindiens qui lui en voulaient parce qu’il était allé avertir les Anglais dans le port de Merliguesh qu’ils cherchaient à s’emparer de leur bâtiment. C’est ce qu’il raconta en effet au gouverneur Thomas Pownall du Massachusetts et aux membres du Conseil le 26 décembre 1757, pendant qu’il était en exil à Wilmington, dans une petition demandant à être envoyé à Charlestown, alors qu’il se nomme John Labardor.

L’humble pétition de John Labardor, déclarant que pendant qu’il demeurait à Maligash [Merliguesh], il était si fidèle à venir en aide à tout Anglais qui était dans le besoin ou était exposé aux cruautés des Amérindiens, qu’un jour en particulier, ayant renvoyé du havre un bateau que les Amérindiens avaient intention d’attaquer, malgré qu’ils l’avaient menacé s’il agissait ainsi, lorsqu’il revint du bateau, ils l’attirèrent dans un guet-apens et tirèrent sur lui avec des chevrotines, dont un certain nombre se logèrent dans sa personne et une trentaines traversèrent son manteau, dont il porte encore les marques, en ayant encore trois dans le dos. N’étant pas satisfaits avec cela, ils menacèrent de lui ôter la vie à la première occasion, ce qui l’obligea d’abandonner son habitation pour s’en aller vivre à Pisiguielle [Pisiquid] (a).

Il raconte le même fait dans une autre pétition du 27 juin 1766 (b).

Claude Guidry, l’ancêtre de la famille, eut pour surnom La Verdure (c). Certains de ses descendants en Acadie furent connus sous le nom de Grivois, tandis que dans la province de Québec, après l’exil, on trouve quelques-uns d’entre eux désignés sous le nom de Labine. Au Massachusetts, Jean Guidry se donne le nom de Labardor, sic pou Labrador. Sans doute c’est lui le Labrador que Cornwallis, le 27 mai (v.s.) 1750, demandait à des délégués acadiens d’appréhender, avec Joseph LeBlanc, J. P. Pitre et Pierre Rembour, pour avoir aidé un certain nombre de soldats du régient Philipps à déserter (d). Ce nom semble être essentiellement un nom amérindien, quoique nous ne le trouvions pour la première fois que vers le milieu du 18ième siècle, en relation avec des gens de Merliguesh. Charles Lawrence, pendant qu’il était surintendant pour l’établissement des “Protestants Etrangers” à Lunenburg, en arrivant ici, le 8 juin 1753, avec ses nouveaux colons, y trouva le Vieux Labrador, (Old Labrador), qui aurait été un Amérindien ou au moins un métis, dit-il dans son journal. Il trouva également son neveu, le nommé Deschamps, surnommé Cloverwater, dont les services furent très utiles à Lawrence. Il n’est pas question de la famille du Vieux Labrador.

Quant à Deschamps, le capitaine Charles Morris disait le 15 mai 1754 qu’il était un Français neutre, à emploi des Anglais (a). En réalité, cependant, son père était acadien et sa mère une Amérindienne. Withrop Bell, dans son Index, l’identifie avec Josesph (ou René) Deschamps (b). Le recensement de l’île Sainte-Jean de 1752 place à l’Anse au Comte Saint-Pierre “Joseph Deschamps dit Cloche, habitant laboureur, natif à l’Acadie agé de 42 ans ... marié avec Judit Duaron, native à l’Accadie, agée de 32 ans”, ayant avec eux cing garçons et trois filles, Philippe, le plus âgé de la famille ayant alors 16 ans. L’année suivante, le 12 février, lorsque celui-ci se maria à Port-Lajoie avec Madeleine Trahan, fille de Jean-Baptiste et de Catherine Joseph Boudrot, on dit que son père était “Nicolas Joseph Dechamps de Saint Martin de Ray, [sic, pour l’île de Ré], évêché de la Rochelle”. Donc le Deschamps du journal de Lawrence ne pouvait pas être ce Joseph, dont le père n’était pas Acadien et la mère n’était pas une Amérindienne. Notons que cette famille de Joseph Deschamps fut envoyée en exil en Pennsylvanie, où une des filles, Blanche, épousa le 14 février 1763 René LeCore (c).

Il y eut en Acadie deux autres personnes du nom de Deschamps, à savoir Isaac, plus tard juge en Nouvelle-Ecosse, peut-être descendant du Huguenot Isaac Deschamps de Boston et ensuite de Narragansett, et de Marie Broussard; et Charles Deschamps de Boishébert, officier militaire, de Québec, que l’on trouve en Acadie à partir de 1747. Mais tous deux sont nés en 1722, et ne peuvent pas être le père de notre Deschamps (d).

On trouve au Massachusetts, au nombre des exilés, Jean Deschamps, né vers 1798, sa femme Jeanne, dite ici Joan, née vers 1703, et leur fille Anne ou Nannette, dite ici Nanny, née vers 1739, mariée à Joseph La Noue. Ils avaient été placés d’abord à Malden, le 28 novembre 1755, mais furent transférés à Stoneham le 17 mars suivant. Les deux parents étaient malades et infirmes et incapables de travailler. Il est assez étrange de trouver en 1760 des factures de Joseph La Noue pour avoir eu soin de ces personnes. Jean Deschamps et sa femme, ainsi que Nannette est ses deux enfants, furent transférés à Boston le 28 août 1760. Notons qu’en 1763, Joseph La Noue et Anne Deschamps avaient deux garçons et une fille (a). Nous ferons mention de cette famille en exile à Stoneham au chapitre 40ième, en rapport avec un des enfants de François Mius qui fut envoyé ici le 3 septembre 1760. Ce Jean Deschamps que l’on rencontre ici pour la première fois, mais dont on n’entend plus parler après 1760, pourrait être le Deschamps du journal de Lawrence, qui disparaît des annales de l’Acadie après 1754 ou 1755.

Quoi qu’il en soit de l’identité de notre Deschamps, il aurait voulu s’établir à Merliguesh, devenu Lunenburg, ayant demandé un lot de terre avec jardins, afin de faire venir de Pisiquid sa femme et ses enfants en les faisant passer par Halifax. Sa mère amérindienne devait être soeur du Vieux Labrador, puisque Deschamps appelait celui-ci son oncle. Ce peut-il que celui que nous considérons comme l’aîné des enfants de Pierre Guidry aurait été également métis, ce pourquoi il se nommait Labrador, nom qu’aurait porté son vrai père? D’ailleurs le Vieux Labrador n’aurait-il pas été lui-même métis au lieu d’un Amérindien pur sang?

Le 24 août 1754, Cotterell écrivait au colonel Patrick Sutherland, du régiment Warburton, qui avait remplacé Lawrence comme commandant à l’établissement de Lunenburg, qu’il lui envoyait 25 Acadiens qui s’étaient échappés de Louisbourg pour éviter la famine, lesquels sons proches parents du Vieux Labrador, (“nearly related to old Labrador”). Il donne neuf noms, dont ceux de Paul et Charles Boutin, de Joseph et de Pierre Guidry, dont les familles avaient été autrefois de la région de Merliguesh. Il y avait en plus Julien Bourneuf, natif de Médriac, évêché de Saint-Malo, Ille-et-Vilaine, marié à Jeanne Guidry, et Sébastien Bourneuf, son frère, quoiqu’il fût natif de Combourg. En plus, on compte François Lucas, Pierre Eric et Claude Erot (b). Au mois d’octobre un autre groupe fut envoyé à Lunenburg, dont la famille qui portait le nom de Labrador.

Aucun de ces Acadiens ne dut rester longtemps à Lunenburg, puisque, par exemple, Jeanne Guidry fut inhumée à Louisbourg le 15 octobre 1755, étant décédée à la suite d’un accouchement. Julien Bourneuf, qui à Louisbourg était sabotier, et Jeanne Guidry avaient eu en 1752 un fils du nom de François, qui fut envoyé en exil en France avec le reste de la famille. Nous nous demandons si ce François est celui qui épousa Michelle Enole, de qui naquit le 19 novembre 1787 François Lambert Bourneuf, l’ancêtre des Bourneuf de la baie Sainte-Marie.

Pour revenir aux Labrador de Mierliguesh, il y avait ici la Ferme Labrador, (Labrador’s Farm), comprenant à peu près sept arpents de terre, sur laquelle était située la Maison Labrador, (Labrador’s House), le tout étant indiqué sur une carte de 1753. En 1762, ce lot, lorsqu’il fut concédé à Patrick Sutherland, est désigné comme ayant déjà appartenu à Paul Labrador, probablement notre Vieux Labrador.

Mather Byles DesBrisay, (1882-1900), rapporte le fait suivant, qu’il tenait de la tradition. Le 13 juillet 1758, deux hommes étant en train de se baigner dans la rivière La Hève, un Amérindien du nom de Labrador tua l’un d’eux du nom de John Wagner. Un certain nombre d’années plus tard, Labrador se vantait auprès du compagnon de John Wagner, du nom de Tanner, du grand nombre d’hommes qu’il avait tués. Tanner à son tour aurait voulu se défaire de Labrador, mais sa conscience ne le lui permit jamais. DesBrisay, l’auteur du récrit, en cuivre et en acier que Tanner avait obtenu de Labrador (a).

Les Labrador, s’ils furent tout d’abord métis, se sont inégrés à la nation micmaque. Ils ne font leur apparition aux registres civils ou ecclésiastiques qu’après l’Expulsion. Dans les registres de l’abbé Bailly, on n’en trouve qu’un seul, du nom de Philippe Labrador, marié à Marie Bisk8ne, tous deux dits mikmaks, qui le 23 décembre 1770 firent baptiser à Halifax un fils du nom de François Noël. Depuis lors, et encore ajuourd’hui, les Amérindiens qui portent le nom de Labrador sont assez nombreux, surtout sur la Côte-de-l’Est, à partir du Cap-Sable jusqu’à Halifax. On en trouve également au Cap-Breton. Les registres de Saint-Anne-du-Ruisseau du Père Sigogne, qui font mention de certain d’entre eux, donnent même François Noël Labrador marié à Anna Labrador, qui le premier juillet 1832 font baptiser un enfant du même nom, François Noël, âgé de huit mois.

Nous connaissons même une personne qui demeure à Birchtown, village voisin de la ville de Shelburne, du nom de Frank Burbine, né le 18 mars 1900, dont le père était Alphée Babin, de Sainte-Anne-du-Ruisseau, fils de Gervais (à Michel-à-Joseph, dit Carino) et de Elisabeth Surette (à Paul-à-Pierre), et la mère Marguerite Labordor. Celle-ci était native de Jordan, comté de Shelburne, fille de François Labordor et de Marie Lucksee. Frank Burbine lui-même a épousé une Labordor, du nom de Anne, fille de Benjamin Labordor et de Marie Covy. Notons que ces gens se servant plutôt de l’orthographe Labordor (a).

1829
(b) - Documents rel. to the Col. Hist. of the State of N. Y., Vol. X, p. 155.
- Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 117.

1830
(a) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, p. 484, note 30.
(b) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, pp. 339, 346, 501.

1851
(b) - Bona Arsenault, Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens, vol. I, p. 421, en note.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, première Partie, p. 45 de l’éd. fr.; p. 46 de l’éd. ang.

1852
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 23, f. 576.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3ième Partie, p. 175 de l’éd. fr.; p. 117 de l’éd. ang. - On trouvera une traduction dans l’éd. fr. - La traduction que nous donnons ici est de nous.
(b) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 24, f. 582.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3ième Partie, p. 189 de l’éd. fr.; p. 131 de l’éd. ang. - On en trouve une traduction dans l’éd. fr.
(c) - La Soc. Hist. Acadienne, 29ième Cahier, p. 363.
(d) - Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 180.

1853
(a) - Coll. of the Maine Hist. Society - Baxter Mss., Vol. XII, p. 266.
(b) - Op. cit., p. 653.
(c) - Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, Vol. I, p. 266, et Vol. II, p. 282.
- Voir Cyprien (l’abbé) Tanguay, Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Canadiennes depuis la fondation de la Colonie jusqu’à nos jours, (Province de Québec. - Eusèbe Senécal, imprimeur-éditeur). En sept volumes, 1871. vol. III, p. 366.
(d) - Bulletin des Rech. Hist., vol. 41, pp. 175 et sqq.
- Charles W. Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, (Baltimore, 1966), Vol. II, p. 212, note 2.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 64, note 2, de l’éd. fr.; p. 60, note 2, de l’éd. ang.

1854
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 14, ff. 407 et 408; Vol. 23, ff. 80, 135A, 177, 262, 615; Vol. 24, ff. 137, 137A, 400, 403A, 404, 406, 489.
(b) - Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, première Partie, pp. 59 et 60 de l’éd. fr.; p. 61 de l’éd. ang.
- N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 214 et 215.
- Milton P. Rieder, Jr. and Norma Gaudet Rieder, The Acadians in France, Vol. III, (Metairie, Louisiana, 1973), pp. 6 et 14.

1855
(a) - History of the County of Lunenburg, Second Edition, (Toronto, 1895), pp. 343-344.

1856
(a) - N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 193, 215, 223-224.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 24 de l’éd. fr.; p. 22 de l’éd. ang.
- Bulletin of the Public Arch. of Nova Scotia - Journal and Letters of Colonel Lawrence, (No. 10), pp. 7, 18, 21, 32, 35.
- Winthop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia. The History of a piece of arrested British Colonial policy in the eighteenth century, (Univeristy of Toronto Press), 1961. pp. 404, 405, 430 431, 447, 483, 484, 510, 653. “

Translation:
“ C - Restricitions imposed on the Acadians: The Passports.
After that above, we are able to judge that, in spite of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the war begun in Acadia in 1744 was continued, at least at sea. That was, to sum up, in order to obtain the monopoly of the sea or some riches along the coast for which they fought with each other. Shirley feared that the Acadians would get involved in it; that is why he proposed to expel them. Already certain ones from among them had assisted the invaders in the course of the war. Determined to appear uncompromising towards them, the 21st of October (v.s.) 1747, he issued a proclamation ordering the arrest of those that he accused of high treason for having given assisstance to the French. A reward of 50# was offered to whomever apprehended within six months the one or the other of the twelve criminals following, namely: Louis Gautier and his two sons, Joseph and Pierre; Amand Bugeau, called here Bigeau; Joseph LeBlanc, dit Le Maigre, whom we have already seen in the fighting against the law, like Amand Bugeau, after the siege of Annapolis; Charles and François Raymond, brothers of Jean-Baptiste Raymond, who married Marie-Josephte Mius, daughter of Joseph I, dit d’Azy; the two brothers Charles and François, sons of Jean Roy, dit La Liberté, and of Marie Aubois; Joseph Brassard, dit Beausoleil; Pierre Guidry, dit Grivois, brother of Jean-Baptiste who was hung at Boston in 1726 with his son, and of Paul, “the good coasting pilot”; and Louis Hébert (b).

In order to prevent total cooperation on the part of the Acadians for the side of the French, they prohibited them from traveling from one place to another without permit or passport. This was not only the English authority who drew up such a demand, but also La Galissonière, although that was for another cause namely so that they would not be molested by the corsairs.

We have some examples of these unreasonable demands in Acadia in general and, more particularly, at Cap-Sable.

1- In Acadia in general.
The passport rule applied to all the people, without which they risked being arrested and suffering the consequences. The Archives of Nova Scotia reveal to us that the missionaries were subject to that law like all the others. To give an example among others, remember that the 21st of September 1754, William Cotterell, secretary of the province,wrote to Captain Alexander Murray, who commanded at Fort Edward, at Pisiquid, asking him to warn the pilot Grivois (8) that if he went to Merliguesh without a passport, they would arrest him (a). After the arrival of colonists recruited in Europe, the same was applied to them (b).

Just as the English authorities of Nova Scotia applied the passport law to them, in order to protect them, likewise La Galissonière, for the same reason demanded of the Acadians to be supplied with a passport in order to travel. It is a fact that the people were not allowed to go from Île Royale to Ile Saint-Jean without a passport from the French authorities. Yet that precaution, in order to protect them against the threat of the corsairs or “of the armed ships of war”, would prove useless because, according to the Count Raymond, they did not respect even the passports. In the summer or in the autumn of 1751 he wrote that the English were formally negligent by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

(8) p. 1830
The pilot Grivois, that Captain Alexander Murray had to warn in 1754 not to go from Pisiquid to Merliguesh without a passport, must not be confused with Paul Guidry, dit Grivois, whom we have already found as being called “a good coasting pilot”. On that date, in fact, Paul Guidry had to be at Île Royale; in 1749 he was at Port-Lajoie, Ile Saint-Jean, and 1752 at the Baie des Espagnols, Île Royale (b).

It may be a question rather of his nephew Jean Guidry, dit Grivois, who Placide Gaudet had born in 1721, calling him the oldest of the children of Pierre Guidry and of Marguerite Brasseau. He married a little before the Dispersion Marguerite Picot, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blin. He had to flee from Merliguesh in order to avoid the threat of the Indians who wanted him because he had gone to warn the English in the port of Merliguesh that they sought to seize their boat. This is what he told in fact to Governor Thomas Pownall of Massachusetts and to the members of the Council the 26th of December 1757, while he was in exile at Wilmington, in a petition asking to be sent to Charlestown, at which time he was called John Labardor.

The humble petition of John Labardor, declaring that while living at Maligash [Merligueche], he was so loyal to lend assistance to any Englishman who was in need or who was exposed to the cruelties of the Indians, that one day in particular, having sent back to the harbour a boat that the Indians intended to attack, notwithstanding that they had threatened him if he acted in this manner, when he returned to the boat, they lured him into an ambush and shot at him with some buckshot, of which a certain number lodged in his body and about thirty went through his topcoat, of which he still bears the marks, in having yet three in the back. Not being satisfied with this, they threatened to kill him at the first opportunity, which compelled him to leave his house in order to go live in Pisiguielle [Pisiquid] (a).

He relates the same matter in another petition of 27 June 1766 (b).

Claude Guidry, the ancestor of the family, had for a nickname La Verdure (c). Certain of his descendants in Acadia were known by the name of Grivois, while in the province of Québec, after the exile, we find some from among them called by the name of Labine. In Massachusetts Jean Guidry gave himself the name of Labardor, sic for Labrador. Undoubtedly he is the Labrador who Cornwallis, the 27th of May (v.s.) 1750, asked some Acadian delegates to apprehend, with Joseph LeBlanc, J. P. Pitre and Pierre Rembour, for having aided a certain number of soldiers of the administrator Philipps to desert (d). That name seems to be essentially an Indian name, although we do not find it for the first time until about the middle of the 18th century, with respect to some people from Merliguesh. Charles Lawrence, while he was overseer for establishing some Protestant Foreigners at Lunenburg, their arriving here, the 8th of June 1753, with some new colonists, found there the Vieux Labrador (Old Labrador), who was an Indian or at least a half-breed, as he said in his journal. He found likewise his nephew, he called Deschamps, nicknamed Cloverwater, whose services were very useful to Lawrence. It is not a question of the family of Vieux Labrador.

As for Deschamps, Captain Charles Morris said the 15th of May 1754 that he was a neutral French, in the employ of the English (a). In reality, however, his father was Acadian and his mother an Indian. Winthrop Bell, in his Index, identifies him with Joseph (or René) Deschamps (b). The census of Ile Saint-Jean of 1752 places at Anse au Comte Saint-Pierre “Joseph Deschamps dit Cloche, resident farmer, native of Acadia, age of 42 years ... married to Judit Duaron, native of Acadia, age of 32 years”, having with them five boys and three daughters, Philippe, the oldest of the family being then 16 years. The following year, the 12th of February, when that one married at Port-Lajoie with Madeleine Trahan, daughter of Jean-Baptiste and of Catherine Joseph Boudrot, he said that his father was “Nicolas Joseph Deschamps of Saint Martin de Ray, (sic, for Ile de Ré), diocese of La Rochelle”. Consequently the Deschamps of journal of Lawrence cannot be this Joseph, of whom the father was not Acadian and the mother was not an Indian. Notice that this family of Joseph Deschamps was sent in exile to Pennsylvania where one of his daughters, Blanche, wed the 14th of February 1763 René LeCore (c).

There were in Acadia two other persons of the name of Deschamps, namely Isaac, later judge in Nova Scotia, perhaps descendant of the Huguenot Isaac Deschamps of Boston and afterwards of Narragansett and Marie Broussard; and Charles Deschamps de Boishébert, military officer, from Québec, whom we find in Acadia from 1747. But both are born in 1722 and could not be the father of our Deschamps (d).

We find at Massachusetts with a number of the exiles Jean Deschamps, born about 1798 (sic 1698), his wife Jeanne, called here Joan, born about 1703 and their daughter Anne or Nannette, called Nanny, born about 1739, married to Joseph La Noue. They have been put first at Malden, the 28th of November 1755, but were transferred to Stoneham the 17th of March following. Both parents were sick and crippled and unable to work. It is rather strange to find in 1760 some bills of Joseph La Noue for having taken care of these persons. Jean Deschamps and his wife, at the same time as Nannette and her two children, were transferred to Boston the 28th of August 1760. Notice that in 1763 Joseph La Noue and Anne Deschamps had two sons and a daughter (a). We do mention that family in exile at Stoneham in the 40th chapter in connection with one the children of François Mius who was sent here the 3rd of September 1760. This Jean Deschamps, whom we met here for the first time, but of whom we no longer hear after 1760, could be the Deschamps of the journal of Lawrence, who disappeared from the public records of Acadia after 1754 or 1755.

Be that as it may of the identity of our Deschamps, he must have wanted to settle at Merliguesh, became Lunenburg, having requested a share of land with gardens, in order to send to Pisiquid for his wife and his children; they having passed through Halifax. His Indian mother must be sister to Vieux Labrador since Deschamps called him his uncle. Is it possible that this one whom we consider as the eldest of the children of Pierre Guidry would have been likewise half-bred, therefore, he called himself Labrador, the name that his real father had born? Moreover, would not Vieux Labrador himself have been half-bred instead of pure-blooded Indian?

The 24th of August 1754 Cotterell wrote to Colonel Patrick Sutherland of the Warburton regiment, who had replaced Lawrence as commandant at the settlement of Lunenburg, that he sent to him 25 Acadians who had gotten out of Louisbourg in order to avoid the famine, of which are near relations to Vieux Labrador (“nearly related to old Labrador”). He gave nine names, of which those of Paul and of Charles Boutin, of Joseph and of Pierre Guidry, whose families had formerly been from the region of Merliguesh. There were in addition Julien Bourneuf, native of Médriac, diocese of Saint-Malo, Ille-et-Vilaine, married to Jeanne Guidry, and Sébastien Bourneuf, his brother, though he was a native of Combourg. In addition, he includes François Lucas, Pierre Eric and Claude Erot (b). In the month of October another group was sent to Lunenburg, among which the family that bore the name of Labrador.

None of these Acadians were to stay long at Lunenburg, since, for example, Jeanne Guidry was interred at Louisbourg the 15th of October 1755, having died after childbirth. Julien Bourneuf, who at Louisbourg was a sabot-maker, and Jeanne Guidry had had in 1752 a son by the name of François, who was sent in exile to France with the rest of the family. We wonder if this François is the one who wed Michelle Enole of whom was born the 19th of November 1787 François Lambert Bourneuf, the ancestor of the Bourneuf of Baie Sainte-Marie.

In order to return to the Labrador of Merliguesh, there was here the Labrador Farm (Labrador’s Farm), containing about seven arpents of land on which was situated the Labrador House (Labrador’s House), both being shown on a map of 1753. In 1762 this lot , when it was granted to Patrick Sutherland, was denoted as having already belonged to Paul Labrador, probably our Vieux Labrador.

Mather Byles DesBrisay (1828-1900) tells the following fact, which he held from tradition. The 13th of July 1758 two men were bathing in the river La Hève, an Indian by the name of Labrador killed one of them by the name of John Wagner. A certain number of years later Labrador boasted close to a companion of John Wagner, by the name of Tanner, of the large number of men that he had killed. Tanner in his manner had wanted to rid himself of Labrador, but his conscience never permitted it. DesBrisay, the author of the story, says to have in his possession a very pretty tomahawk in copper and in steel that Tanner had gotten from Labrador (a).

The Labrador, if they were from the very first half-bred, have not strayed from the Micmac nation. They only make their appearance in the civil or church registers after the Expulsion. In the registers of the Abbé Bailly we find only one, of the name of Philippe Labrador, married to Marie Bisk8ne, both called mikmaks, who the 23rd of December 1770 had baptized at Halifax a son by the name of François Noël. Since then, and even today, the Indians who carry the name of Labrador are rather numerous, chiefly on the East Coast, from Cap-Sable as far as Halifax. We find them also at Cap-Breton. The registers of Saint-Anne-du-Ruisseau of Père Sigogne, who makes mention of certain among them, give even François Noël Labrador married to Anna Labrador, who the first of July 1832 had baptized a child of the same name, François Noël, age of eight months.

We even know a person who lives at Birchtown, a village next to the town of Shelburne, by the name of Frank Burbine, born the 18th of March 1900, of whom the father was Alphée Babin, of Saint-Anne-du-Ruisseau, son of Gervais (of-Michel-of-Joseph, dit Carino) and of Elisabeth Surette (of-Paul-of Pierre), and the mother Marguerite Labordor. She was a native of Jordan, county of Shelburne, daughter of François Labordor and Marie Lucksee. Frank Burbine himself has married a Labordor by the name of Anne, daughter of Benjamin Labordor and Marie Covy. Notice that these people would rather use the spelling Labordor (a).

1829
(b) - Documents rel. to the Col. Hist. of the State of N. Y., Vol. X, p. 155.
- Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 117.

1830
(a) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, p. 484, note 30.
(b) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, pp. 339, 346, 501.

1851
(b) - Bona Arsenault, Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens, vol. I, p. 421, in note.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, First Part, p. 45 of the Fr. éd.; p. 46 of the Eng. ed.

1852
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 23, f. 576.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3rd Part, p. 175 of the Fr. ed.; p. 117 of the Eng. ed. - On trouvera une traduction dans l’éd. fr. - The translation which we give is from us.
(b) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 24, f. 582.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3rd Part, p. 189 of the Fr ed.; p. 131of the Eng. ed. - One finds a translation in the Fr. ed.
(c) - La Soc. Hist. Acadienne, 29th Cahier, p. 363.
(d) - Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 180.

1853
(a) - Coll. of the Maine Hist. Society - Baxter Mss., Vol. XII, p. 266.
(b) - Op. cit., p. 653.
(c) - Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, Vol. I, p. 266, and Vol. II, p. 282.
- Voir Cyprien (l’abbé) Tanguay, Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Canadiennes depuis la fondation de la Colonie jusqu’à nos jours, (Province de Québec. - Eusèbe Senécal, imprimeur-éditeur). In seven volumes, 1871. vol. III, p. 366.
(d) - Bulletin des Rech. Hist., vol. 41, pp. 175 and sqq.
- Charles W. Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, (Baltimore, 1966), Vol. II, p. 212, note 2.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 64, note 2, of the Fr. ed.; p. 60, note 2, of the Eng. ed.

1854
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 14, ff. 407 et 408; Vol. 23, ff. 80, 135A, 177, 262, 615; Vol. 24, ff. 137, 137A, 400, 403A, 404, 406, 489.
(b) - Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, First Part, pp. 59 et 60 of the Fr. ed.; p. 61 of the Eng. ed.
- N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 214 and 215.
- Milton P. Rieder, Jr. and Norma Gaudet Rieder, The Acadians in France, Vol. III, (Metairie, Louisiana, 1973), pp. 6 and 14.

1855
(a) - History of the County of Lunenburg, Second Edition, (Toronto, 1895), pp. 343-344.

1856
(a) - N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 193, 215, 223-224.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 24 of the Fr. ed.; p. 22 of the Eng. ed.
- Bulletin of the Public Arch. of Nova Scotia - Journal and Letters of Colonel Lawrence, (No. 10), pp. 7, 18, 21, 32, 35.
- Winthop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia. The History of a piece of arrested British Colonial policy in the eighteenth century, (Univeristy of Toronto Press), 1961. pp. 404, 405, 430 431, 447, 483, 484, 510, 653. “4232

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Jean-Baptiste Guédry fils
Jean-Baptiste Guedry fils