“ C - Restrictions imposées aux Acadiens: Les passeports.
D’après ce qui précède, on pourrait croire que, malgré la paix d’Aix-la-Chapelle, la guerre commencée en Acadie en 1744 se continuait, au moins en mer. C’était, en fin de compte, pour obtenir le monopole de la mer ou des richesses côtières que l’on en venait aux prises. Shirley craignait que les Acadiens s’en mêlent; c’est pourquoi il songeait à les expulser. Déjà certains d’entre eux avaient aidé les envahisseurs au cours de la guerre. Résolu à se montrer intransigeant envers eux, le 21 octobre (v.s.) 1747, il émettait une proclamation ordonnant l’arrestation de ceux qu’il accusait de haute trahison pour avoir prêté main-forte aux Français. Une récompense de 50# était offerte à quiconque appréhendrait dans les six mois l’un ou l’autre des douze criminels suivants, à Louis Gautier et ses deux fils, Joseph et Pierre; Amand Bugeau, dit ici Bigeau; Joseph LeBlanc, dit Le Maigre, que nous avons déjà vu aux prises avec la loi, comme Amand Bugeau; après le siège d’Annapolis; Charles et François Raymond, frères de Jean-Baptiste Raymond, qui épousa Marie-Josephte Mius, fille de Joseph I, dit d’Azy; les deux frères Charles et François, fils de Jean Roy, dit La Liberté, et de Marie Aubois; Joseph Brassard, dit Beausoleil; Pierre Guidry, dit Grivois, frère de Jean-Baptiste qui fut pendu à Boston en 1726 avec son fils, et de Paul, “le bon pilote côtier”; et Louis Hébert (b).

Pour prévenir toute coopération de la part des Acadiens à l’endroit des Français, on leur défendait de se déplacer d’un lieu en un autre sans permission ou passeport. Ce ne fut pas seulement l’autorité anglaise qui formula une telle demande, mais aussi La Galissonière, quoique ce fût pour d’autres motifs, à savoir afin qu’ils ne soient pas molestés par les corsaires.

Nous avons des exemples de ces exigences en Acadie en général, et plus particulièrement au Cap-Sable.

1- En Acadie en général.
Le règle du passeport s’appliquait à tout le monde, sans quoi on risquait de se faire arrêter et de subir les conséquences. Les Archives de la Nouvelle-Ecosse nous révèlent que les missionnaires étaient soumis à cette loi comme tous les autres. Pour donner un exemple entre autres, disons que le 21 septembre 1754, William Cotterell, secrétaire de la province, écrivait au capitaine Alexander Murray, qui commandait au Fort Edward, à Pisiquid, lui demandant d’avertir le pilote Grivois (8) que s’il va à Merliguesh sans passeport, on se saisira de lui (a). Après l’arrivée des colons recrutés en Europe, la même consigne leur fut appliquée (b).

De même que les autorités anglaises de la Nouvelle-Ecosse appliquèrent la loi du passeport aux leurs, afin de les protéger, de même La Galissonière, pour la même raison, demandait aux Acadiens de se munir d’un passeport pour voyager. C’est un fait que les gens ne pouvaient pas aller de l’île Royale à l’île Saint-Jean our vice versa sans passeport des autorités françaises. Cependant cette précaution, pour les protéger contre la menace des corsaires ou “des bâtiments armés en guerre”, pouvait s’avérer inutile, car au dire du comte de Raymond, ils ne respectaient même pas les passeports. A l’été ou à l’automne de 1751, il écrivait que les Anglais manquaient formellement au traité d’Aix-la-Chapelle.

(8) p. 1830
Le pilote Grivois, que le capitaine Alexander Murray devait avertir en 1754 de ne pas se rendre de Pisiquid à Merliguesh sans passeport, ne doit pas être confondu avec Paul Guidry, dit Grivois, que nous avons déjà trouvé comme étant dit “bon pilote côtier”. A cette date, en effet, Paul Guidry devait être à l’île Royale; en 1749, il était à Port-Lajoie, île Saint-Jean, et en 1752 à la baie des Espagnols, île Royale (b).

Il se serait agi plutôt de son neveu, Jean Guidry, dit Grivois, que Placide Gaudet fait naître en 1721, le donnant comme l’aîné des enfants de Pierre Guidry et de Marguerite Brasseau. Il épousa peu de temps avant la Dispersion Marguerite Picot, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blin. Il dut s’enfuir de Merliguesh pour éviter les menaces des Amérindiens qui lui en voulaient parce qu’il était allé avertir les Anglais dans le port de Merliguesh qu’ils cherchaient à s’emparer de leur bâtiment. C’est ce qu’il raconta en effet au gouverneur Thomas Pownall du Massachusetts et aux membres du Conseil le 26 décembre 1757, pendant qu’il était en exil à Wilmington, dans une petition demandant à être envoyé à Charlestown, alors qu’il se nomme John Labardor.

L’humble pétition de John Labardor, déclarant que pendant qu’il demeurait à Maligash [Merliguesh], il était si fidèle à venir en aide à tout Anglais qui était dans le besoin ou était exposé aux cruautés des Amérindiens, qu’un jour en particulier, ayant renvoyé du havre un bateau que les Amérindiens avaient intention d’attaquer, malgré qu’ils l’avaient menacé s’il agissait ainsi, lorsqu’il revint du bateau, ils l’attirèrent dans un guet-apens et tirèrent sur lui avec des chevrotines, dont un certain nombre se logèrent dans sa personne et une trentaines traversèrent son manteau, dont il porte encore les marques, en ayant encore trois dans le dos. N’étant pas satisfaits avec cela, ils menacèrent de lui ôter la vie à la première occasion, ce qui l’obligea d’abandonner son habitation pour s’en aller vivre à Pisiguielle [Pisiquid] (a).

Il raconte le même fait dans une autre pétition du 27 juin 1766 (b).

Claude Guidry, l’ancêtre de la famille, eut pour surnom La Verdure (c). Certains de ses descendants en Acadie furent connus sous le nom de Grivois, tandis que dans la province de Québec, après l’exil, on trouve quelques-uns d’entre eux désignés sous le nom de Labine. Au Massachusetts, Jean Guidry se donne le nom de Labardor, sic pou Labrador. Sans doute c’est lui le Labrador que Cornwallis, le 27 mai (v.s.) 1750, demandait à des délégués acadiens d’appréhender, avec Joseph LeBlanc, J. P. Pitre et Pierre Rembour, pour avoir aidé un certain nombre de soldats du régient Philipps à déserter (d). Ce nom semble être essentiellement un nom amérindien, quoique nous ne le trouvions pour la première fois que vers le milieu du 18ième siècle, en relation avec des gens de Merliguesh. Charles Lawrence, pendant qu’il était surintendant pour l’établissement des “Protestants Etrangers” à Lunenburg, en arrivant ici, le 8 juin 1753, avec ses nouveaux colons, y trouva le Vieux Labrador, (Old Labrador), qui aurait été un Amérindien ou au moins un métis, dit-il dans son journal. Il trouva également son neveu, le nommé Deschamps, surnommé Cloverwater, dont les services furent très utiles à Lawrence. Il n’est pas question de la famille du Vieux Labrador.

Quant à Deschamps, le capitaine Charles Morris disait le 15 mai 1754 qu’il était un Français neutre, à emploi des Anglais (a). En réalité, cependant, son père était acadien et sa mère une Amérindienne. Withrop Bell, dans son Index, l’identifie avec Josesph (ou René) Deschamps (b). Le recensement de l’île Sainte-Jean de 1752 place à l’Anse au Comte Saint-Pierre “Joseph Deschamps dit Cloche, habitant laboureur, natif à l’Acadie agé de 42 ans ... marié avec Judit Duaron, native à l’Accadie, agée de 32 ans”, ayant avec eux cing garçons et trois filles, Philippe, le plus âgé de la famille ayant alors 16 ans. L’année suivante, le 12 février, lorsque celui-ci se maria à Port-Lajoie avec Madeleine Trahan, fille de Jean-Baptiste et de Catherine Joseph Boudrot, on dit que son père était “Nicolas Joseph Dechamps de Saint Martin de Ray, [sic, pour l’île de Ré], évêché de la Rochelle”. Donc le Deschamps du journal de Lawrence ne pouvait pas être ce Joseph, dont le père n’était pas Acadien et la mère n’était pas une Amérindienne. Notons que cette famille de Joseph Deschamps fut envoyée en exil en Pennsylvanie, où une des filles, Blanche, épousa le 14 février 1763 René LeCore (c).

Il y eut en Acadie deux autres personnes du nom de Deschamps, à savoir Isaac, plus tard juge en Nouvelle-Ecosse, peut-être descendant du Huguenot Isaac Deschamps de Boston et ensuite de Narragansett, et de Marie Broussard; et Charles Deschamps de Boishébert, officier militaire, de Québec, que l’on trouve en Acadie à partir de 1747. Mais tous deux sont nés en 1722, et ne peuvent pas être le père de notre Deschamps (d).

On trouve au Massachusetts, au nombre des exilés, Jean Deschamps, né vers 1798, sa femme Jeanne, dite ici Joan, née vers 1703, et leur fille Anne ou Nannette, dite ici Nanny, née vers 1739, mariée à Joseph La Noue. Ils avaient été placés d’abord à Malden, le 28 novembre 1755, mais furent transférés à Stoneham le 17 mars suivant. Les deux parents étaient malades et infirmes et incapables de travailler. Il est assez étrange de trouver en 1760 des factures de Joseph La Noue pour avoir eu soin de ces personnes. Jean Deschamps et sa femme, ainsi que Nannette est ses deux enfants, furent transférés à Boston le 28 août 1760. Notons qu’en 1763, Joseph La Noue et Anne Deschamps avaient deux garçons et une fille (a). Nous ferons mention de cette famille en exile à Stoneham au chapitre 40ième, en rapport avec un des enfants de François Mius qui fut envoyé ici le 3 septembre 1760. Ce Jean Deschamps que l’on rencontre ici pour la première fois, mais dont on n’entend plus parler après 1760, pourrait être le Deschamps du journal de Lawrence, qui disparaît des annales de l’Acadie après 1754 ou 1755.

Quoi qu’il en soit de l’identité de notre Deschamps, il aurait voulu s’établir à Merliguesh, devenu Lunenburg, ayant demandé un lot de terre avec jardins, afin de faire venir de Pisiquid sa femme et ses enfants en les faisant passer par Halifax. Sa mère amérindienne devait être soeur du Vieux Labrador, puisque Deschamps appelait celui-ci son oncle. Ce peut-il que celui que nous considérons comme l’aîné des enfants de Pierre Guidry aurait été également métis, ce pourquoi il se nommait Labrador, nom qu’aurait porté son vrai père? D’ailleurs le Vieux Labrador n’aurait-il pas été lui-même métis au lieu d’un Amérindien pur sang?

Le 24 août 1754, Cotterell écrivait au colonel Patrick Sutherland, du régiment Warburton, qui avait remplacé Lawrence comme commandant à l’établissement de Lunenburg, qu’il lui envoyait 25 Acadiens qui s’étaient échappés de Louisbourg pour éviter la famine, lesquels sons proches parents du Vieux Labrador, (“nearly related to old Labrador”). Il donne neuf noms, dont ceux de Paul et Charles Boutin, de Joseph et de Pierre Guidry, dont les familles avaient été autrefois de la région de Merliguesh. Il y avait en plus Julien Bourneuf, natif de Médriac, évêché de Saint-Malo, Ille-et-Vilaine, marié à Jeanne Guidry, et Sébastien Bourneuf, son frère, quoiqu’il fût natif de Combourg. En plus, on compte François Lucas, Pierre Eric et Claude Erot (b). Au mois d’octobre un autre groupe fut envoyé à Lunenburg, dont la famille qui portait le nom de Labrador.

Aucun de ces Acadiens ne dut rester longtemps à Lunenburg, puisque, par exemple, Jeanne Guidry fut inhumée à Louisbourg le 15 octobre 1755, étant décédée à la suite d’un accouchement. Julien Bourneuf, qui à Louisbourg était sabotier, et Jeanne Guidry avaient eu en 1752 un fils du nom de François, qui fut envoyé en exil en France avec le reste de la famille. Nous nous demandons si ce François est celui qui épousa Michelle Enole, de qui naquit le 19 novembre 1787 François Lambert Bourneuf, l’ancêtre des Bourneuf de la baie Sainte-Marie.

Pour revenir aux Labrador de Mierliguesh, il y avait ici la Ferme Labrador, (Labrador’s Farm), comprenant à peu près sept arpents de terre, sur laquelle était située la Maison Labrador, (Labrador’s House), le tout étant indiqué sur une carte de 1753. En 1762, ce lot, lorsqu’il fut concédé à Patrick Sutherland, est désigné comme ayant déjà appartenu à Paul Labrador, probablement notre Vieux Labrador.

Mather Byles DesBrisay, (1882-1900), rapporte le fait suivant, qu’il tenait de la tradition. Le 13 juillet 1758, deux hommes étant en train de se baigner dans la rivière La Hève, un Amérindien du nom de Labrador tua l’un d’eux du nom de John Wagner. Un certain nombre d’années plus tard, Labrador se vantait auprès du compagnon de John Wagner, du nom de Tanner, du grand nombre d’hommes qu’il avait tués. Tanner à son tour aurait voulu se défaire de Labrador, mais sa conscience ne le lui permit jamais. DesBrisay, l’auteur du récrit, en cuivre et en acier que Tanner avait obtenu de Labrador (a).

Les Labrador, s’ils furent tout d’abord métis, se sont inégrés à la nation micmaque. Ils ne font leur apparition aux registres civils ou ecclésiastiques qu’après l’Expulsion. Dans les registres de l’abbé Bailly, on n’en trouve qu’un seul, du nom de Philippe Labrador, marié à Marie Bisk8ne, tous deux dits mikmaks, qui le 23 décembre 1770 firent baptiser à Halifax un fils du nom de François Noël. Depuis lors, et encore ajuourd’hui, les Amérindiens qui portent le nom de Labrador sont assez nombreux, surtout sur la Côte-de-l’Est, à partir du Cap-Sable jusqu’à Halifax. On en trouve également au Cap-Breton. Les registres de Saint-Anne-du-Ruisseau du Père Sigogne, qui font mention de certain d’entre eux, donnent même François Noël Labrador marié à Anna Labrador, qui le premier juillet 1832 font baptiser un enfant du même nom, François Noël, âgé de huit mois.

Nous connaissons même une personne qui demeure à Birchtown, village voisin de la ville de Shelburne, du nom de Frank Burbine, né le 18 mars 1900, dont le père était Alphée Babin, de Sainte-Anne-du-Ruisseau, fils de Gervais (à Michel-à-Joseph, dit Carino) et de Elisabeth Surette (à Paul-à-Pierre), et la mère Marguerite Labordor. Celle-ci était native de Jordan, comté de Shelburne, fille de François Labordor et de Marie Lucksee. Frank Burbine lui-même a épousé une Labordor, du nom de Anne, fille de Benjamin Labordor et de Marie Covy. Notons que ces gens se servant plutôt de l’orthographe Labordor (a).

1829
(b) - Documents rel. to the Col. Hist. of the State of N. Y., Vol. X, p. 155.
- Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 117.

1830
(a) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, p. 484, note 30.
(b) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, pp. 339, 346, 501.

1851
(b) - Bona Arsenault, Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens, vol. I, p. 421, en note.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, première Partie, p. 45 de l’éd. fr.; p. 46 de l’éd. ang.

1852
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 23, f. 576.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3ième Partie, p. 175 de l’éd. fr.; p. 117 de l’éd. ang. - On trouvera une traduction dans l’éd. fr. - La traduction que nous donnons ici est de nous.
(b) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 24, f. 582.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3ième Partie, p. 189 de l’éd. fr.; p. 131 de l’éd. ang. - On en trouve une traduction dans l’éd. fr.
(c) - La Soc. Hist. Acadienne, 29ième Cahier, p. 363.
(d) - Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 180.

1853
(a) - Coll. of the Maine Hist. Society - Baxter Mss., Vol. XII, p. 266.
(b) - Op. cit., p. 653.
(c) - Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, Vol. I, p. 266, et Vol. II, p. 282.
- Voir Cyprien (l’abbé) Tanguay, Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Canadiennes depuis la fondation de la Colonie jusqu’à nos jours, (Province de Québec. - Eusèbe Senécal, imprimeur-éditeur). En sept volumes, 1871. vol. III, p. 366.
(d) - Bulletin des Rech. Hist., vol. 41, pp. 175 et sqq.
- Charles W. Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, (Baltimore, 1966), Vol. II, p. 212, note 2.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 64, note 2, de l’éd. fr.; p. 60, note 2, de l’éd. ang.

1854
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 14, ff. 407 et 408; Vol. 23, ff. 80, 135A, 177, 262, 615; Vol. 24, ff. 137, 137A, 400, 403A, 404, 406, 489.
(b) - Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, première Partie, pp. 59 et 60 de l’éd. fr.; p. 61 de l’éd. ang.
- N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 214 et 215.
- Milton P. Rieder, Jr. and Norma Gaudet Rieder, The Acadians in France, Vol. III, (Metairie, Louisiana, 1973), pp. 6 et 14.

1855
(a) - History of the County of Lunenburg, Second Edition, (Toronto, 1895), pp. 343-344.

1856
(a) - N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 193, 215, 223-224.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 24 de l’éd. fr.; p. 22 de l’éd. ang.
- Bulletin of the Public Arch. of Nova Scotia - Journal and Letters of Colonel Lawrence, (No. 10), pp. 7, 18, 21, 32, 35.
- Winthop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia. The History of a piece of arrested British Colonial policy in the eighteenth century, (Univeristy of Toronto Press), 1961. pp. 404, 405, 430 431, 447, 483, 484, 510, 653. “

Translation:
“ C - Restricitions imposed on the Acadians: The Passports.
After that above, we are able to judge that, in spite of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the war begun in Acadia in 1744 was continued, at least at sea. That was, to sum up, in order to obtain the monopoly of the sea or some riches along the coast for which they fought with each other. Shirley feared that the Acadians would get involved in it; that is why he proposed to expel them. Already certain ones from among them had assisted the invaders in the course of the war. Determined to appear uncompromising towards them, the 21st of October (v.s.) 1747, he issued a proclamation ordering the arrest of those that he accused of high treason for having given assisstance to the French. A reward of 50# was offered to whomever apprehended within six months the one or the other of the twelve criminals following, namely: Louis Gautier and his two sons, Joseph and Pierre; Amand Bugeau, called here Bigeau; Joseph LeBlanc, dit Le Maigre, whom we have already seen in the fighting against the law, like Amand Bugeau, after the siege of Annapolis; Charles and François Raymond, brothers of Jean-Baptiste Raymond, who married Marie-Josephte Mius, daughter of Joseph I, dit d’Azy; the two brothers Charles and François, sons of Jean Roy, dit La Liberté, and of Marie Aubois; Joseph Brassard, dit Beausoleil; Pierre Guidry, dit Grivois, brother of Jean-Baptiste who was hung at Boston in 1726 with his son, and of Paul, “the good coasting pilot”; and Louis Hébert (b).

In order to prevent total cooperation on the part of the Acadians for the side of the French, they prohibited them from traveling from one place to another without permit or passport. This was not only the English authority who drew up such a demand, but also La Galissonière, although that was for another cause namely so that they would not be molested by the corsairs.

We have some examples of these unreasonable demands in Acadia in general and, more particularly, at Cap-Sable.

1- In Acadia in general.
The passport rule applied to all the people, without which they risked being arrested and suffering the consequences. The Archives of Nova Scotia reveal to us that the missionaries were subject to that law like all the others. To give an example among others, remember that the 21st of September 1754, William Cotterell, secretary of the province,wrote to Captain Alexander Murray, who commanded at Fort Edward, at Pisiquid, asking him to warn the pilot Grivois (8) that if he went to Merliguesh without a passport, they would arrest him (a). After the arrival of colonists recruited in Europe, the same was applied to them (b).

Just as the English authorities of Nova Scotia applied the passport law to them, in order to protect them, likewise La Galissonière, for the same reason demanded of the Acadians to be supplied with a passport in order to travel. It is a fact that the people were not allowed to go from Île Royale to Ile Saint-Jean without a passport from the French authorities. Yet that precaution, in order to protect them against the threat of the corsairs or “of the armed ships of war”, would prove useless because, according to the Count Raymond, they did not respect even the passports. In the summer or in the autumn of 1751 he wrote that the English were formally negligent by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

(8) p. 1830
The pilot Grivois, that Captain Alexander Murray had to warn in 1754 not to go from Pisiquid to Merliguesh without a passport, must not be confused with Paul Guidry, dit Grivois, whom we have already found as being called “a good coasting pilot”. On that date, in fact, Paul Guidry had to be at Île Royale; in 1749 he was at Port-Lajoie, Ile Saint-Jean, and 1752 at the Baie des Espagnols, Île Royale (b).

It may be a question rather of his nephew Jean Guidry, dit Grivois, who Placide Gaudet had born in 1721, calling him the oldest of the children of Pierre Guidry and of Marguerite Brasseau. He married a little before the Dispersion Marguerite Picot, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blin. He had to flee from Merliguesh in order to avoid the threat of the Indians who wanted him because he had gone to warn the English in the port of Merliguesh that they sought to seize their boat. This is what he told in fact to Governor Thomas Pownall of Massachusetts and to the members of the Council the 26th of December 1757, while he was in exile at Wilmington, in a petition asking to be sent to Charlestown, at which time he was called John Labardor.

The humble petition of John Labardor, declaring that while living at Maligash [Merligueche], he was so loyal to lend assistance to any Englishman who was in need or who was exposed to the cruelties of the Indians, that one day in particular, having sent back to the harbour a boat that the Indians intended to attack, notwithstanding that they had threatened him if he acted in this manner, when he returned to the boat, they lured him into an ambush and shot at him with some buckshot, of which a certain number lodged in his body and about thirty went through his topcoat, of which he still bears the marks, in having yet three in the back. Not being satisfied with this, they threatened to kill him at the first opportunity, which compelled him to leave his house in order to go live in Pisiguielle [Pisiquid] (a).

He relates the same matter in another petition of 27 June 1766 (b).

Claude Guidry, the ancestor of the family, had for a nickname La Verdure (c). Certain of his descendants in Acadia were known by the name of Grivois, while in the province of Québec, after the exile, we find some from among them called by the name of Labine. In Massachusetts Jean Guidry gave himself the name of Labardor, sic for Labrador. Undoubtedly he is the Labrador who Cornwallis, the 27th of May (v.s.) 1750, asked some Acadian delegates to apprehend, with Joseph LeBlanc, J. P. Pitre and Pierre Rembour, for having aided a certain number of soldiers of the administrator Philipps to desert (d). That name seems to be essentially an Indian name, although we do not find it for the first time until about the middle of the 18th century, with respect to some people from Merliguesh. Charles Lawrence, while he was overseer for establishing some Protestant Foreigners at Lunenburg, their arriving here, the 8th of June 1753, with some new colonists, found there the Vieux Labrador (Old Labrador), who was an Indian or at least a half-breed, as he said in his journal. He found likewise his nephew, he called Deschamps, nicknamed Cloverwater, whose services were very useful to Lawrence. It is not a question of the family of Vieux Labrador.

As for Deschamps, Captain Charles Morris said the 15th of May 1754 that he was a neutral French, in the employ of the English (a). In reality, however, his father was Acadian and his mother an Indian. Winthrop Bell, in his Index, identifies him with Joseph (or René) Deschamps (b). The census of Ile Saint-Jean of 1752 places at Anse au Comte Saint-Pierre “Joseph Deschamps dit Cloche, resident farmer, native of Acadia, age of 42 years ... married to Judit Duaron, native of Acadia, age of 32 years”, having with them five boys and three daughters, Philippe, the oldest of the family being then 16 years. The following year, the 12th of February, when that one married at Port-Lajoie with Madeleine Trahan, daughter of Jean-Baptiste and of Catherine Joseph Boudrot, he said that his father was “Nicolas Joseph Deschamps of Saint Martin de Ray, (sic, for Ile de Ré), diocese of La Rochelle”. Consequently the Deschamps of journal of Lawrence cannot be this Joseph, of whom the father was not Acadian and the mother was not an Indian. Notice that this family of Joseph Deschamps was sent in exile to Pennsylvania where one of his daughters, Blanche, wed the 14th of February 1763 René LeCore (c).

There were in Acadia two other persons of the name of Deschamps, namely Isaac, later judge in Nova Scotia, perhaps descendant of the Huguenot Isaac Deschamps of Boston and afterwards of Narragansett and Marie Broussard; and Charles Deschamps de Boishébert, military officer, from Québec, whom we find in Acadia from 1747. But both are born in 1722 and could not be the father of our Deschamps (d).

We find at Massachusetts with a number of the exiles Jean Deschamps, born about 1798 (sic 1698), his wife Jeanne, called here Joan, born about 1703 and their daughter Anne or Nannette, called Nanny, born about 1739, married to Joseph La Noue. They have been put first at Malden, the 28th of November 1755, but were transferred to Stoneham the 17th of March following. Both parents were sick and crippled and unable to work. It is rather strange to find in 1760 some bills of Joseph La Noue for having taken care of these persons. Jean Deschamps and his wife, at the same time as Nannette and her two children, were transferred to Boston the 28th of August 1760. Notice that in 1763 Joseph La Noue and Anne Deschamps had two sons and a daughter (a). We do mention that family in exile at Stoneham in the 40th chapter in connection with one the children of François Mius who was sent here the 3rd of September 1760. This Jean Deschamps, whom we met here for the first time, but of whom we no longer hear after 1760, could be the Deschamps of the journal of Lawrence, who disappeared from the public records of Acadia after 1754 or 1755.

Be that as it may of the identity of our Deschamps, he must have wanted to settle at Merliguesh, became Lunenburg, having requested a share of land with gardens, in order to send to Pisiquid for his wife and his children; they having passed through Halifax. His Indian mother must be sister to Vieux Labrador since Deschamps called him his uncle. Is it possible that this one whom we consider as the eldest of the children of Pierre Guidry would have been likewise half-bred, therefore, he called himself Labrador, the name that his real father had born? Moreover, would not Vieux Labrador himself have been half-bred instead of pure-blooded Indian?

The 24th of August 1754 Cotterell wrote to Colonel Patrick Sutherland of the Warburton regiment, who had replaced Lawrence as commandant at the settlement of Lunenburg, that he sent to him 25 Acadians who had gotten out of Louisbourg in order to avoid the famine, of which are near relations to Vieux Labrador (“nearly related to old Labrador”). He gave nine names, of which those of Paul and of Charles Boutin, of Joseph and of Pierre Guidry, whose families had formerly been from the region of Merliguesh. There were in addition Julien Bourneuf, native of Médriac, diocese of Saint-Malo, Ille-et-Vilaine, married to Jeanne Guidry, and Sébastien Bourneuf, his brother, though he was a native of Combourg. In addition, he includes François Lucas, Pierre Eric and Claude Erot (b). In the month of October another group was sent to Lunenburg, among which the family that bore the name of Labrador.

None of these Acadians were to stay long at Lunenburg, since, for example, Jeanne Guidry was interred at Louisbourg the 15th of October 1755, having died after childbirth. Julien Bourneuf, who at Louisbourg was a sabot-maker, and Jeanne Guidry had had in 1752 a son by the name of François, who was sent in exile to France with the rest of the family. We wonder if this François is the one who wed Michelle Enole of whom was born the 19th of November 1787 François Lambert Bourneuf, the ancestor of the Bourneuf of Baie Sainte-Marie.

In order to return to the Labrador of Merliguesh, there was here the Labrador Farm (Labrador’s Farm), containing about seven arpents of land on which was situated the Labrador House (Labrador’s House), both being shown on a map of 1753. In 1762 this lot , when it was granted to Patrick Sutherland, was denoted as having already belonged to Paul Labrador, probably our Vieux Labrador.

Mather Byles DesBrisay (1828-1900) tells the following fact, which he held from tradition. The 13th of July 1758 two men were bathing in the river La Hève, an Indian by the name of Labrador killed one of them by the name of John Wagner. A certain number of years later Labrador boasted close to a companion of John Wagner, by the name of Tanner, of the large number of men that he had killed. Tanner in his manner had wanted to rid himself of Labrador, but his conscience never permitted it. DesBrisay, the author of the story, says to have in his possession a very pretty tomahawk in copper and in steel that Tanner had gotten from Labrador (a).

The Labrador, if they were from the very first half-bred, have not strayed from the Micmac nation. They only make their appearance in the civil or church registers after the Expulsion. In the registers of the Abbé Bailly we find only one, of the name of Philippe Labrador, married to Marie Bisk8ne, both called mikmaks, who the 23rd of December 1770 had baptized at Halifax a son by the name of François Noël. Since then, and even today, the Indians who carry the name of Labrador are rather numerous, chiefly on the East Coast, from Cap-Sable as far as Halifax. We find them also at Cap-Breton. The registers of Saint-Anne-du-Ruisseau of Père Sigogne, who makes mention of certain among them, give even François Noël Labrador married to Anna Labrador, who the first of July 1832 had baptized a child of the same name, François Noël, age of eight months.

We even know a person who lives at Birchtown, a village next to the town of Shelburne, by the name of Frank Burbine, born the 18th of March 1900, of whom the father was Alphée Babin, of Saint-Anne-du-Ruisseau, son of Gervais (of-Michel-of-Joseph, dit Carino) and of Elisabeth Surette (of-Paul-of Pierre), and the mother Marguerite Labordor. She was a native of Jordan, county of Shelburne, daughter of François Labordor and Marie Lucksee. Frank Burbine himself has married a Labordor by the name of Anne, daughter of Benjamin Labordor and Marie Covy. Notice that these people would rather use the spelling Labordor (a).

1829
(b) - Documents rel. to the Col. Hist. of the State of N. Y., Vol. X, p. 155.
- Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 117.

1830
(a) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, p. 484, note 30.
(b) - Winthrop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia, pp. 339, 346, 501.

1851
(b) - Bona Arsenault, Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens, vol. I, p. 421, in note.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, First Part, p. 45 of the Fr. éd.; p. 46 of the Eng. ed.

1852
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 23, f. 576.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3rd Part, p. 175 of the Fr. ed.; p. 117 of the Eng. ed. - On trouvera une traduction dans l’éd. fr. - The translation which we give is from us.
(b) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 24, f. 582.
- Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, 3rd Part, p. 189 of the Fr ed.; p. 131of the Eng. ed. - One finds a translation in the Fr. ed.
(c) - La Soc. Hist. Acadienne, 29th Cahier, p. 363.
(d) - Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, (Halifax, N. S., James Barnes, Printer and Publisher), 1865-1867. In three volumes. Vol. II, p. 180.

1853
(a) - Coll. of the Maine Hist. Society - Baxter Mss., Vol. XII, p. 266.
(b) - Op. cit., p. 653.
(c) - Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, Vol. I, p. 266, and Vol. II, p. 282.
- Voir Cyprien (l’abbé) Tanguay, Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Canadiennes depuis la fondation de la Colonie jusqu’à nos jours, (Province de Québec. - Eusèbe Senécal, imprimeur-éditeur). In seven volumes, 1871. vol. III, p. 366.
(d) - Bulletin des Rech. Hist., vol. 41, pp. 175 and sqq.
- Charles W. Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, (Baltimore, 1966), Vol. II, p. 212, note 2.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 64, note 2, of the Fr. ed.; p. 60, note 2, of the Eng. ed.

1854
(a) - Mass. Arch., Vol. 14, ff. 407 et 408; Vol. 23, ff. 80, 135A, 177, 262, 615; Vol. 24, ff. 137, 137A, 400, 403A, 404, 406, 489.
(b) - Rapport conc. les Arch. Can. pour l’année 1905, vol. II, First Part, pp. 59 et 60 of the Fr. ed.; p. 61 of the Eng. ed.
- N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 214 and 215.
- Milton P. Rieder, Jr. and Norma Gaudet Rieder, The Acadians in France, Vol. III, (Metairie, Louisiana, 1973), pp. 6 and 14.

1855
(a) - History of the County of Lunenburg, Second Edition, (Toronto, 1895), pp. 343-344.

1856
(a) - N. S. Arch. - I, pp. 193, 215, 223-224.
- Coll. Northcliffe, p. 24 of the Fr. ed.; p. 22 of the Eng. ed.
- Bulletin of the Public Arch. of Nova Scotia - Journal and Letters of Colonel Lawrence, (No. 10), pp. 7, 18, 21, 32, 35.
- Winthop Bell, The “Foreign Protestants” and the Settlement of Nova Scotia. The History of a piece of arrested British Colonial policy in the eighteenth century, (Univeristy of Toronto Press), 1961. pp. 404, 405, 430 431, 447, 483, 484, 510, 653. “4232

    ____________________

“ PIERRE GUEDRY dit LABINE, né en 1697, fils de Claude et de Marguerite Petitpas, marié vers 1720, à Marguerite Brasseau, fille de Pierre et d’Isabelle Forest. Enfants: Marie-Josephe, 1722; Pierre, 1723; Charles, 1726; Marguerite, 1727; Hélène, 1729; Anselme, vers 1730; Joseph, 1731; Jean, 1735; Augustin, 1740; Agnès, 1742. “

Translation:
“ PIERRE GUEDRY dit LABINE, born in 1697, son of Claude and of Marguerite Petitpas, married about 1720 to Marguerite Brasseau, daughter of Pierre and of Isabelle Forest. Children: Marie-Josephe, 1722; Pierre, 1723; Charles, 1726; Marguerite, 1727; Hélène, 1729; Anselme, about 1730; Joseph, 1731; Jean, 1735; Augustin, 1740; Agnès, 1742. “4509

    ____________________

“ PIERRE GUEDRY dit LABINE, 1697, fils de Claude et de Marguerite Petitpas, marié vers 1720, à Marguerite Brasseau, fille de Pierre et de Gabrielle Forest. Enfants: Marie-Josephe, 1722; Pierre, 1723; Charles, 1726; Marguerite, 1727; Hélène, 1729; Anselme, vers 1730; Joseph, 1732; Jean, 1735; Augustin, 1740; Agnès, 1742. “

Translation:
“ PIERRE GUEDRY dit LABINE, 1697, son of Claude and of Marguerite Petitpas, married about 1720 to Marguerite Brasseau, daughter of Pierre and of Gabrielle Forest. Children: Marie-Josephe, 1722; Pierre, 1723; Charles, 1726; Marguerite, 1727; Hélène, 1729; Anselme, about 1730; Joseph, 1732; Jean, 1735; Augustin, 1740; Agnès, 1742. “4766

    ____________________

“ JEAN GUEDRY, 1735, fils de Pierre et de Marguerite Brasseau, marié, vers 1755, à Marguerite Picot, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blain. Enfants: Elizabeth, vers 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. Déportée au Massachusetts, cette famille était à Québec en 1766 et s’est établie à Saint-Jacques-de-l’Achigan vers 1767. “

Translation:
“ JEAN GUEDRY, 1735, son of Pierre and of Marguerite Brasseau, married about 1755 to Marguerite Picot, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blain. Children: Elizabeth, about 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. Deported to Massachusetts, this family was at Québec in 1766 and settled at Saint-Jacques-de-lAchigan about 1767. “5350

    ____________________

“ JEAN GUEDRY, né en 1735, fils de Pierre et de Marguerite Brasseau, marié vers 1755 à Marguerite Picot, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blin. Enfants: Elizabeth, vers 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. Cette famille, déportée au Massachusetts, en 1755, était à Québec, en 1766, et s’est établie à Saint-Jacques de L’Achigan, vers 1767. “

Translation:
“ JEAN GUEDRY, born in 1735, son of Pierre and of Marguerite Brasseau, married about 1755 to Marguerite Picot, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blin. Children: Elizabeth, about 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. This family, deported to Massachusetts in 1755, was at Québec in 1766 and settled at Saint-Jacques de L’Achigan about 1767. “5182

    ____________________

“ AUGUSTIN GUIDRY, né vers 1750, très probablement le fils d’Augustin et de Jeanne Hébert, marié vers 1772 à Marguerite Picot. Enfant: Olivier, vers 1773. “

Translation:
“ AUGUSTIN GUIDRY, born about 1750, very probably the son of Augustin and of Jeanne Hébert, married about 1772 to Marguerite Picot. Child: Olivier, about 1773. “4526

    ____________________

“ MARIE-MARGUERITE PICOT, 1732, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blain, épousa Jean Guédry, fils de Pierre et de Marguerite Brasseau. “

Translation:
“ MARIE-MARGUERITE PICOT, 1732, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blain, wed Jean Guédry, son of Pierre and of Marguerite Brasseau. “5339

    ____________________

“ p. 116 (août 2007)

La même famille
Ajouter, après <<k. (anciennement j.) Elisabeth (Isabelle)>> une nouvelle notice, comme suit:

l. Hélène (selon S. A. White) m v. 1748 Jean GUEDRY dit LABRADOR dit LABINE (Pierre & Marguerite Brassaud); d entre 1749 & 1752. Par conséquent, <<k>> et <<l>> deviennent <<m>> et <<n>>. “

Translation:
“ p. 116 (August 2007)

The same family
Add, after <<k. (formerly j.) Elisabeth (Isabelle)>> a new notice as follows:

l. Hélène (according to S. A. White) m about 1748 Jean GUEDRY dit LABRADOR dit LABINE (Pierre & Marguerite Brassaud); d. between 1749 & 1752. Consequently, <<k>> and <<l>> become <<m>> and <<n>>. “4756

    ___________________

“ p. 117 (août 1007)

La même famille
Ajouter une nouvelle Note de S.A. White, entre les deuxième et troisième, comme suit:

iii. Nous croyons que l'épouse de Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine appartenait à la famille de Claude Benoit parce qu'en 1766 son veuf Jean Guédry est venu de Boston à Québec sur le même navire qu'Anne, François, Jeanne, Joseph et Françoise Benoit et leurs familles. Tous les Acadiens sur ce navire étaient étroitement alliés ou apparentés. Il faut croire que Jean Guédry était également allié aux autres. “

Translation:
“ p. 117 (August 2007)

The same family
Add a new Note de S. A. White between the second and third as follows:

iii. We believe that the spouse of Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine belongs to the family of Claude Benoit because in 1766 her widower Jean Guédry came from Boston to Québec on the same ship as Anne, François, Jeanne, Joseph and Françoise Benoit and their families. All the Acadians on that ship were closely related or connected by marriage. One has to believe that Jean Guédry was likewise related to the others. “5351

    ___________________

“ Jean Baptiste, dit Labrador was captured along with 183 other prisoners at Pisiquid on September 5, 1755, by Captain Murray, an officer under the command of Colonel Winslow posted at Grand Pre. Jean was deported from Pisiquid, the site of present day Windsor, Nova Scotia. Windsor is not very far from Grand Pre where a park presently stands as a silent tribute to the tragic Acadian deportation. “4770

    ____________________


“ p. 116 (août 2007)

La même famille
Ajouter, après <<k. (anciennement j.) Elisabeth (Isabelle)>> une nouvelle notice, comme suit:

l. Hélène (selon S. A. White) m v. 1748 Jean GUEDRY dit LABRADOR dit LABINE (Pierre & Marguerite Brassaud); d entre 1749 & 1752. Par conséquent, <<k>> et <<l>> deviennent <<m>> et <<n>>. “

Translation:
“ p. 116 (August 2007)

The same family
Add, after <<k. (formerly j.) Elisabeth (Isabelle)>> a new notice as follows:

l. Hélène (according to S. A. White) m about 1748 Jean GUEDRY dit LABRADOR dit LABINE (Pierre & Marguerite Brassaud); d. between 1749 & 1752. Consequently, <<k>> and <<l>> become <<m>> and <<n>>. “4756

    ___________________

“ p. 117 (août 1007)

La même famille
Ajouter une nouvelle Note de S.A. White, entre les deuxième et troisième, comme suit:

iii. Nous croyons que l'épouse de Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine appartenait à la famille de Claude Benoit parce qu'en 1766 son veuf Jean Guédry est venu de Boston à Québec sur le même navire qu'Anne, François, Jeanne, Joseph et Françoise Benoit et leurs familles. Tous les Acadiens sur ce navire étaient étroitement alliés ou apparentés. Il faut croire que Jean Guédry était également allié aux autres. “

Translation:
“ p. 117 (August 2007)

The same family
Add a new Note de S. A. White between the second and third as follows:

iii. We believe that the spouse of Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine belongs to the family of Claude Benoit because in 1766 her widower Jean Guédry came from Boston to Québec on the same ship as Anne, François, Jeanne, Joseph and Françoise Benoit and their families. All the Acadians on that ship were closely related or connected by marriage. One has to believe that Jean Guédry was likewise related to the others. “5351

    ___________________

“ Jean Guidry imitated his Grandfather Claude, his Great Uncle Claude Petitpas, Jr., and his Father in dealing with the English as well as with the French. Much of the Guidry livelihood depended on the trade they had with the English colonists and thus there seemed to be no reason for them to fight the English. Skirmishes between the Indians and the British caused a real dilemma for Jean as he realized that trade with English colonists had suddenly become dangerous.

Rather than allow the English ships to fall prey to ambush from the Micmacs at Mirligueche, Jean at one point risked his life to warn them that there was an Indian war party waiting to attack. The English immediately left the harbour, and as Jean headed back to the settlement in his boat, the Indians opened fire on him and riddled him with buckshot. Jean is reported to have had seven buckshot lodged in his flesh while some thirty had ripped his coat. Apparently, other Guidrys, or perhaps friendly Indians, came to Jean’s aid and saved him from certain death. But the hostile Indians threatened to take his life the next chance they had.

Some time close to Jean’s ‘run in’ with the Indians he married his first wife Claire Helene Benoit. This was in 1747. His life in danger, Jean decided to leave Mirligueche and move to Pisiquid, which is the site of present day Windsor, Nova Scotia. His Uncle Francois and Aunt Marie lived in this area. Nearby was an English fort to protect him from hostile Indians. Jean also had several uncles who had settled at Cobequid just a few miles away. Unfortunately, his stay at Pisiquid would be very brief. “5007

    ____________________

“ Jean Baptiste Guidry dit Labine was deported from Pisiquid In 1755. We do not know the name of the ship that carried Jean away from Pisiquid, but we know that four ships left Pisiquid on October 27, 1755, and that three of them were destined for ports other than Boston. The Schooner Neptune, under the command of Captain Davis, may have transported Jean and his wife Helen Benoit, to the Boston area.

Very little opposition on the part of the Acadians is reported from those fateful days. At Chipody, Major Frye of Winslow’s regiment met with some opposition when 300 Acadians and Indians under the command of a man named Boishebert, killed, wounded or captured more than half of the English contingent. We don’t know if there were any Guidry’s in that group of resisters.

The Guidry family was separated during the deportation and as far as I know, Jean would never see his family again. His Father and Mother had gone to Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island) when the Indian uprisings began at Mirligueche and had then escaped to the French Islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon near Newfoundland. Jean’s brothers had also been deported and scattered.

We can only guess at what Jean went through on his voyage to Boston, although we know it was not a very pleasant journey. Along with untold numbers of other Acadians, Jean’s wife, Helene Benoit, died during these days, more than likely as a result of the deportation. It is probable that she died on the way to Boston.

As the boats with the Acadian prisoners left the Minas Basin, a fierce gale arose, causing the ships to separate. The thunder is reported to have rumbled with frightening noise, while lightning streaked the skies. Rain and hail fell furiously. Some of the ships sprang leaks and were abandoned by the sailors who escaped in lifeboats, leaving their human cargo to fend for themselves or drown. On other ships, practically everyone, particularly the old and infirm, fell victim to agonizing seasickness.

The crowding of so great a number of people into close holds, subject to all the miseries of a tedious ocean voyage, wrought great changes among the captives. Many died and, without any of the solemn rites of Christian burial, their bodies were thrown to the waves of the rolling ocean to become the prey of sharks, fond of human flesh.

One of the ships, called the Pembroke, containing 232 Acadians from Port Royal, was captured by the exiles it bore. Charles Beaulieu or Belliveau led a mutiny against the ship’s crew, killing the Captain and then stranding the ship in the Saint John River.

In all, it took 28 days for the ships to go from the Minas Basin to Boston, where some of the ships destined for the Carolinas had stopped to repair the damages caused by the storm. While the ships were anchored in the harbour, an investigative committee from the Legislative Assembly of Massachusetts went on board and on November 25, 1755, issued this report:

“ . . . these ships are overloaded and people too crowded, the food is insufficient; one pound of beef and two pounds of bread per person per week. These rations will ot enable them to reach their destinated ports, especially at this season. Besides, the water is very bad. “

A member of the Council of Halifax, Benjamin Green, who had been instrumental in ordering the deportation, was in Boston at the time. He went to see the living conditions of those “prisoners on water” and was horrified to see people literally dying on the decks. He contacted the members of the Legislature and offered to pay for medicine, food, and clothing if the sick, in need of attention, were allowed to land. The offer was accepted, and those who were sickly or who were going to be sent to North Carolina were brought ashore, among them were Jean and his soon to be wife, Marguerite Picotte. They were placed in old buildings or huts until they died or became well. Those who survived the winter were then dispersed throughout the colony. Jean and his then new wife and children, Mathurin, Anne Marie and Elizabeth were sent to Wilmington, where they stayed until 1760. It is interesting to note that Elizabeth was born in 1755 which may mean the Jean and Marguerite were married in early 1755, or that Elizabeth was not Jean’s daughter and that her Father had died during the deportation as had Jean’s first wife, Claire Helene Benoit.

The Acadians in Boston turned to be a financial drain on the people of Massachusetts and it was decided, on September 16, 1756,that “the French inhabitants, being unable to provide for their needs in this season, would not be admitted unless the Government of Nova Scotia refunded all expenses involved.” At that time, there were almost two thousand Acadians in Massachusetts.

Lack of funds and understanding between the English speaking Puritans and the French speaking Catholics froin (sic) Acadia made Jean Guidry’s stay in Boston a very difficult one. The Acadians were confined to the town limits in whatever area they were assigned. Penalties for violating this law were harsh. Rations were given to those families who took care of the Acadians, though the rations did not always come when expected. “5352

    ____________________

“ . . . Jean spent his first five years at Wilmington and his last six at Woburn. His move to Woburn came as a result of his intolerable conditions in Wilmington. Jean petitioned the Massachusetts Legislature on numerous occasions demanding better living conditions for himself and his family. There are to be found many of these petitions in the Massachusetts Archives, Jean’s name being given some ten times as John Labardor or Labrador. After 1763, he is found listed as John or Jean Guidry, Gaidry, Guidri or Guidrit. These petitions provide some of the best historic documentation we have of Jean’s life in Acadia and in Boston. In one petition he states:

“ John Labrador sheweth that while he lived at Maligast (Mirligueche) he was so faithful in serving and assisting all Englishmen in distress and from the cruelty of the Indians that one day in particular, having sent away out of the harbour one vessel which the Indians intended to prey on and which they forbade him at his peril, they waylaid him coming from the vessel and shot him with buckshot, several of which were log’d in his flesh and thirty odd went thro his coat which marks he now bears, having three yet in his back, but they not satisfied with that treatn’d to take his life away the first opportunity which obliged him to abandon his habitation and go live in Pisiquite”.

Because the Acadians were under state supervision, any decisions made regarding them had to be made by the State Legislature. In December 1757, Jean Guidry describes the kind of living conditions he had to bear in Wilmington:

“ . . . in ten weeks, he received nothing but a haunch of lamb and one quart of milk a day. He has no wood (December 26, 1757) because they refused to lend him an ox to haul the wood he cut. So then, he is without food or fire in a house that has no door and no roof. When it rains, they have to move their beds along a wall against the wind in order to avoid rain and snow. Once he remarked to a Councillor that they were flooded in the house: the Councillor replied that they should build a boat and float. “

Again on January 10, 1758, a petition was signed by Francis Mius, “a Nova Scotian French person placed at Tewkesbury.” It was likewise endorsed by “Lawarence Mius, placed at Methuen”, and brought forth the complaints also “of John Labrador, another placed at Wilmington - respectfully setting forth the hardships and sufferings they undergo in the present situation. “

Apparently Jean’s petitons met with some success for we find him moved to Woburn in 1760. His family continued to grow and 1763 he had 5 sons and 2 daughters. This seems amazing when you consider that over half of the Acadians in Massachusetts are reported to have died during their exile there. In 1763, when Jean and other Acadians signed a petition requesting to be sent to France, only about 1000 of the original group of Acadians, out of the 2000 deported in 1755 remained alive.

With the fall of Montreal on September 8, 1759, tbe (sic) French and Indian War was all but over. For the terms of surrender, Vaudreuil, the French Governor, had presented fifty-five articles of peace to Amherst, the King of England’s representative. On the margin of the 39th Article which stipulated that all the French must remain in Canada and not be deported, Amherst wrote, “Agreed except as regards the Acadians”. Again as a marginal note to the 54th Article, which would guarantee a safe return of officers, militiamen and Acadian prisoners in New England to their respective countries, the general scribbled, “Accepted, but with reservation to the Acadians”.

With the French and Indian War concluded, the Acadians in Boston and vicinity began to hope to leave their exile. Up to this time, France had not taken an active part in rescuing the Acadians from the American colonies but had provided, when requested, refuge to great numbers of them exiled to England, Île Royale, Île St-Jean and from the American continent. In fact, the first to arrive in Cherbourg, France was from Bosotn. However, at peace negotiations held in England, the Duke of Nivernois, Peer of France, who represented the French King, was made more fully aware of the Acadians’ plight. On his return to France he had his Secretary de la Rochette write letters to the Acadians in the English colonies in America, inviting them to come to France to be with friends and relatives. When the 1000 Acadians in Boston and Massachusetts heard of Rochette’s letter, they signed a petition asking to return to France. Note their request as itemized above.

As soon as the Lords of Trade in England learned of Nivernois’ scheme to attract the Acadians to France or to her tropical colonies, a formal protest was registered with the French Ambassador. Notwithstanding, on December 6, 1763, the French Duke wrote Choisel to keep sending boats to pick up the Acadians, particularly those in New York and Boston. He assumed the Acadians there would find a way to leave America. None went to France. Some went to Louisiana, while other like Jean returned to Canada. A few remained where they had been exiled and were finally absorbed into the surrounding population.

Although Acadians started leaving Boston as early as 1763, Jean and his family did not get permission until 1766. Missing the boats to France and Louisiana, Jean Guidry signed his name with a group of Acadians to a list of persons requesting to be transferred to St. Dominique Island in the West Indies. This petition was signed on December 1, 1764, at which time Jean signs his name “Guedrit” and states that there are ten in his family. The petition for passage to the West Indies was denied on the grounds that the Acadians were English subjects and should remain under English rule.

In 1765, Governor Murray of Canada signed a decree requesting English subjects to settle in Quebec. On January 13, 1766, several Acadians asked the Governor of Boston for permission to write to Murray to obtain his approval for their return to Canada. Permission to make that appeal was granted. Murray, in turn, promised to try to accomodate the Acadians, apparently seeing it as an advantage to have the Acadians settle where they could be an asset to Canada and the British Empire. After sending inquiries out to different parts of Quebec, Murray found several areas, mostly around Montreal, willing to welcome these exiled Acadians. On June 2, 1766, Jean signed another petition, along with 890 Acadians in the Boston area asking to be released in order to proceed with the move to Quebec. Permission was granted and on June 13, 1766, most of the Acadians left the villages they had been exiled to, determined to find their way back to their homeland. Some traveled by boat, while others walked by way of Lake Champlain. On September 8, 1766, the Quebec Gazette announced the arrival of these Acadians.

Jean and Marguerite went up the river to Montreal until some parish priest met them and led them to his parish. On October 16, 1766, M. Degneay, the Cure of l’Assomption, took in about 80 Acadians (12 or 13 families) to help them get started in their new life. Jean and Marguerite were part of this group guided by Father Degneay to the town of l’Assomption where they spent the winter in a warehouse near the church. Soon after their arrival in l’Assomption, Jean and Marguerite had their marriage blessed by the church and had the Baptism of four their children, born in exile, validated.

After spending a long winter in the warehouse, Jean and his family became the first Acadians to buy land along the grand line from St. Alexis, near Ruisseau St. Georges. This land was purchased on April 2, 1767. It had been completely paid for by 1781 and would stay in the family for over one hundred years, finally being sold by Modeste Guildry dit Labine in 1871.

Along with being one of the first Acadians to buy land, Jean was also one of the first to build a house along Ruisseau St. Georges, no doubt similar in style to that of early architecture.

The turmoil in his life all but over, Jean could finally turn his attention to raising a family and being a farmer. He and Marguerite raised eleven children in Quebec, although the oldest, Anne Marie, married Nicolas Dufault soon after their arrival in Quebec, (September 14, 1767). Four of Jean’s sons, as far as we know, (Olivier, Jean Baptiste, Charles and Mathurin) spent some time as voyageurs. Olivier eventually worked his way down the Mississippi to Louisiana to reunite with the Guidrys there. Mathurin drowned in the Lachine rapids while still young.

Jean outlived his second wife, Marguerite, and in 1799, married for the third time, Marie Angelique Marois, the widow of Pierre Milot. A death certificate dated 1802 indicates that Jean died at age 80. He is most likely buried at the old cemetery site in St. Jacques though no markers give evidence of this and the original burial ground is not clearly located.

We don’t know how the deportation and difficult times affected Jean and his family once they settled at St. Jacques. Like other refugees in other times, they more than likely talked about their experience very little, and spent the rest of their lives thinking about the future, rather than the past. There is a strong possibility that Jean’s son Olivier, sent word back to Quebec that he had found his Uncles, Jean Guidry’s brothers, in Louisiana. We can be certain in saying, however, that they never saw one another again.

Jean Guidry dit Labrador dit Labine lived a remarkable life, one full of turmoil, adventure, hardship, tragedy, courage and endurance. In death he would finally find that eternal peace that his life seemed to have very little of. He left behind him a great number of descendants and the Labine family multiplied and grew. “5353

    ____________________

“ Jean Guidry arrived in Quebec in 1766 after eleven long and difficult years as a refugee during the French and Indian War. When he arrived, he brought some six children with him, and he and Marguerite Picotte would eventually raise eleven. Six of their offspring were boys who in turn also had large families. All apparently used the Labine name. St. Jacques, Quebec then, as far as I know, was the birthplace of the Labine name. No other Guidry besides Jean’s family seems to have used the Labine name as a surname. From the documents I have seen, and from what I can safely assume from my research, Jean and his family used the Labine name when speaking and the name Guildry dit Labine in formal documents. The “L” in Guildry was added while they were in Quebec. As education became commonplace, the name Labine was used on all occasions.

The map on page 72 shows the distribution of land near St. Jacques around the year 1800. Jean Guildry’s property is down on the lower left hand corner of the map, shown as lot number 355. As listed on the chart that follows, in 1850 (50 years later), lot number 355 still belonged to the Guildry Labine family and was owned by Modeste Guildry dit Labine.

It is unlikely that Jean Guildry had much money when he arrived in Quebec, and life must have been very difficult those first years in St. Jacques. Shortly after their arrival, Anne Marie, Jean’s oldest daughter born of Helene Benoit, married Nicolas Dufault, making one less mouth to feed.

Later, Jean settled in St. Jacques and started farming. The farm must have been small, however, and his sons were forced to seek their fortune elsewhere, either by establishing their own farms, as we know four of them did, or by becoming voyageurs.

In fact, we know that Jean Guildry’s four oldest sons were all voyageurs at one point in their lives, and in the Quebec Archives report for the years 1943-44 and 1946-47, we can find contracts or “engagements” between Jean, Charles, Joseph, or Jean Baptiste, Jr. and the Northwest Company for canoe trips to Lake Superior, Michilimackinac, Michigan, Minnesota and the Red River settlement near Lake Winnipeg. We also know that Mathurin, another of Jean’s sons, was a voyageur who died while running the rapids in a canoe at Lachine near Montreal in 1784. (See inscription below. “5354

    ____________________

On the 26th of December 1757 the Petition of John Labardor of Wilmington, Massachusetts to Thomas Pownall, Governor and the Council and House of Representatives in the General Court, states:

“ No. 576

To his Excellency Thomas Pownall Esq. Goverfnor the Honourable the Council & House of Representatives in General Court assembled.

The humble Petition of John Labardor sheweth that while he lived at Maligast he was so faithful in serving and assisting all Englishmen in distress and from the cruelties of the Indians that one day in particular having sent away out of the harbuor one vessel which the Indians intended to prey on and which they forbade him at his peril, they waylaid him coming from the vessel and shot at him with Buckshot seven of which were log’d in his flesh and Thirty odd went thro his coat which marks he now bears, having three yet in his back, but they not satisfied with that treatn’d to take his life away the first opportunity which obliged him to abandon his habitation and go live to Pisiguite, but having done all the service in his power, and in a perishable condition at pres’t without any regard or pity showed him almost breaked his heart. For those ten weeks he has had no kind of subsistance only one quarter lamb, and about a quart Milk each Day among seven in family without wood having at length refused him oxen to fetch home his wood which he always cut himself, and left them now in that condition without victuals or firing, and in a kind of house without doors or Roof for when it rains they are obliged to shift their bed from part of the wett to leeward and from a melting snow there is no screeing and having told one of the selectman that we were afloat in the house he said I must build a boat and sail in it. He has with his family lived chiefly on acorns three weeks without any pity, and innumerable other cruelties too tedious to mention.

Therefore if your honours would permit him to quit Wilmington that place of woe and come to Charlestown he would for you as in duty bound forever pray so hoping for the love of God (that your Honours being the fathers of your country) you will help and redress the grievances of the distressed, and in this confidence subscribed himself.
Your Honours most Dutiful servt

JN. LABARDOR

Wilminton 26th Dec. 1757.

In council Jan. 10, 1758. Read and ordered that James Minot, Esq. with such as the Hon House shall join be a comittee to consider of their Petition and Report what they judge proper to be done in the affair.
Sent down for Concurrence

A. OLIVER, Sec.

In House of Rep., Jan. 15, 1758. Read and concurred and Col. Choate and Col. Buckmington are joined in the affair.

T. HUBBARD, Spk. “5355

    ____________________

No. 484

BOSTON, AUG. 24th, 1763.

JASPER MAUDUIT, ESQ:

Sr. -- In the general Court’s letter to you, dated the 16th of June last, you were informed that the Nova Scotia French sent here in 1755 had occasioned an expense to the Province for their support to June 1759 of £6543 19 9 Sterling. It being near the end of the session when that letter was sent, there was not opportunity to collect the amount of their support to the present time: but this has been since done.

And you herewith have a particular account of the whole sum that has been paid out of the Province Treasury for supporting them since their first arrival, amounting to £9563 9-10 of a Pound Sterling. This account is authenticated by a certificate from the Sec., and another from the Province Treasurer.

The reason of transmitting to you this account at this time, is, that his Excellency the Gov. has had communicated to him by some of the principals of sd. Nova Scotians, letters from London written in consequence of a declaration of the French Ambassador, the Duke de Nivernois, acquainting them that his most Xtien Majesty looking upon them as some of his most faithful subjects would order Transports for conveying them to France upon their signifying the number within this Province that wanted a conveyance. They have accordingly made out a list and exhibited a copy of it to his Excellency the Governor, an abstract of which his Excellency has sent to the Lords of Trade: a copy of it I now enclose you. By this list it appears that there are 1019 within the Province and they appear to be all desirous of going. As the French King looks upon them as his subjects, he must look upon them as Prisoners of war, and therefore by agreement between the two Crowns, Great Briton is entitled to a Reimbursement of the expense that has accrued by supporting them. This reimbursement you’ll please to apply for pursuant to the agreement aforesaid, and if by any means it should fail in that method of application, you will endeavor in pursuance of the genl. Court’s direction contained in their letter aforesaid to obtain it in the way you judge most suitable. This is written to you in the name and by the direction of the Gov. & Council.


No. 485

Since the before mentioned the mentioned letters were communicated to the Governor, these French People have received an invitation from Mr. Robin, a French Protestant who hath obtained a grant from the Crown of a tract of land lying on the Bay or River Merrimeche, [Miramichi] in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to settle on the said Grant. Some of them may probably embrace this offer. They seem generally inclined to remove out of the Province. If this should be (the) case and we lose the benefits of their service now they might be made useful subjects; after that we have been at the charge of supporting them while they were looked upon as Enemies, the Province hath an equitable claim to a reimbursement at all Events. It was much against their inclination that they received them at first, but out of a dutiful Regard to his Majesty’s Service, they were permitted to come among Us, and were supported by Us, while some of our neighboring Governments refused those who were sent to them, many of whom afterwards found their way into this Province, and increased our charge. You will therefore endeavor in pursuance of the General Court’s direction contained in this letter afores’d, to obtain a reimbursement in the way you judge most suitable. His Excellency having wrote to the Lords of Trade upon the subject may facilitate your application, which we hope will prove successful.

This letter is wrote you in the name and by the direction of the Governor & Council.

You will observe a difference in the sums a[s] certified by the Secretary and Treasurer respectively. The Secr. certifies the sums for which warrants have been issued, the Treasurer certifys the actual payments: it is possible some of the warrants may not yet have come to hand: be that as it will the Government must be content to have the account settled agreeable to the actual payments.

You have for you further information in this matter, copies enclosed of a paragraph of a letter from Mr. Bollan of 1 Oct. 1757, and of the Petition of his Majesty therein referred to.

24 Augt. HON. ADREW OLIVER, ESQ.


(Mr. Boudon’s Compliments, wait upon the Secretary with a draft of a letter to the Agent on the subject mentioned in council today. The Secr. will please to make such such alterations as he thinks proper.


No. 486

A LIST OF THE FRENCH WHO DESIRE TO GO TO OLD FRANCE, WITH LETTER OF
AUG. 24TH, 1763.

Heads of Families Sons Daughters Total

. . . .


La veuve Robicho 2 3 6
Benoni Dousel [Doucet] & Marie - - 2
Jean Gaidry [Guedry] & Marie 5 2 9
Aman Bodot [Boudrot (?)] & Isabelle 2 3 7
Joseph Brox [Breau] & Anne - 1 3

. . . .

. ____ ____ ____
. 64 75 1,019


At a Council holden at Halifax on Thursday the 18th August 1763.

Present

THE HONORABLE THE LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR

The Honorable Charle Morris
Richard Bulkeley
Alexander Grant Councillors
Henry Newton
Michael Francklin

The Lieutenant Governor informed the Council that Mr. Deschamps had transmitted to him the Copy of a Letter found in the hands of Joseph Broussard alias Beausoleil at Pesiquid, which was handed about among the French Acadians, and wrote by one De la Rochette, said to be a clerk to the Duke de Nivernois, and inviting them to go to France where they should be immediately received into the French King’s protection, Which Letter the Lieutenant Governor thought proper to be communicated to the Council for their opinion and advice, being as follows, vigt:

“fait á Liverpool le 18 mars 1763.

“Messieurs et chers frères “
“Nous ont [avons] ordre de Monseigneur le Duc de Nivernois, Ambassadeur extraordinaire de Sa Majesté trés Chrétienne qui reste actuellement a Londres pour un longtems de vous faire tenir la Copie de celle qu’il nous a donnée, qui est que le traitté définitif est signé, et l’on va procéder Immédiatement á votre renvoi en france, comme le Reglement a ce sujet ne peut ce prendre qu’en sachant Exactement le nombre de ceux ou de celles qui veullent s’en rapporter á la Protection du roi de france, il est necessaire que vous lui en faisier tenir la Liste le plutôt qu’il vous sera possible, cette liste contiendra les nom des hommes et des femmes et des Enfants, chacun la signera pour soi. Et ceux qui ne sauront pas signer mettront leurs marques.

“J’ai le plaisir de vous apprendre que votre Traitement sera en france Encore plus avantageux que vous ne l’attender, et que vous serés sous la protection Immédiate du Roi et de son ministre, Monseigneur Le duc de Nivernois.

“Communiquez à nos Frères cette Lettre et assurés les bien de la protection [sic] que j’approuve, en leur annonçant leur prochaine delivrance.

J’ai L’honneur détre très parfaitement
Messieurs,
Votre Très Humble et Obeisst. Servt.

De La ROCHETTE

“Nous [ont] avons, tous les ceux qui sont en Angleterre, pris cette Liste, et nous sommes tous sur notre depart pour passer En France, Nous prions tous Dieu de vous y voir avec nous. Nous vous assurons que quelque parts que nous allions nous n’auront plus de neutralité puisqu’il n’y En aura plus. prenons donc le parti de notre Religion, C’est La Grâce, Messieurs que vous demandent ceux qui sont bien sincerement.

“Vos Très Humbles Servrs
“Les Acadiens

ALEXIS TRAHAN
TRANQUILLE PRINCE
JOSEPH LEBLANC
ALEXIS BOUDROT

__________

Mon cher Ami, -- Je vous faif parvenir la Copie de cette Lettre pour que vous en Envoyés une Copie au Port Royal, et que vous leur fassiés a savoir le parti qu’ils doivent prendre, et comme nous Esperont la Lettre qui a Eté Ecrite pour être Envoyé á tout le public Lorsquelle nous sera parvenu nous vous l’envoiront paraillement.

Je suis trés parfaitement
“Mon cher ami
“Votre serviteur

“LEMAIGRE le père.



HALIFAX, le 30e Juillet 1763.

A MONSIEUR BROUSSARD dit BEAUSOLEIL
Pigiguit.

It appearing to the Council that the said letter had been received by one Joseph LeMaigre in this Town and by him sent to the said Broussard, le Maigre was sent for, and being examined acknowledged that he had received the said letter from Philadelphia and had sent it to Beausoleil to be communicated to the french Acadians in this Country. He also acknowledged that he had received at the same time another paper, which being produced was ordered to be entered as follows:--


LIVERPOOL, le 18 mars 1763.

MESIEUR, -- comme J’espère que vous ne manquerez pas de vous Reprod’huyre a monSeigneur le Duc de Nivernois Je man vais vous en donner Le moyin, votre representation Cachète et à dressez au duc puis vous metterez La dresse avec une enveloppe desus et vous metterez La dresse que Voicy suivante:

To MR. ANTHONY KASTLING
At Old England Coffee House
St. Martins Lane
To London.

Vous pouvez par Le premier Vaisseau que vous Trouverrez qui viendra en Agnleterre, Envoyez votre Liste, aussytôt quel sera attérée, soit en Angleterre, ou en Hirlande elle yra à son adresse à Londres &c.

N’espérez point de soulagement de france sil vous retourniez en notre [pays] natal parce qu’il veut retirer tous Les Ceux qui veulent aller à luy.

Votre serviteur.

The Council were of Opinion that the further examination of this affair should be deferred till the arrival of Beausoleil, and did advice that the Lieutenant Governor would be sent for to Halifax, in order & be examined touching the said letter.


At a Council holden at Halifax on Monday the 22 August, 1763.

Present:

THE HONORABLE THE LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR

The Honorable Charles Morris
Richard Bulkeley
Edmund Crawley Councillors
Henry Newton
Michael Franklin

His Majesty’s Council having examined the several french Letters found in the hands of Joseph Leblanc alias Lemaigre, and Joseph Broussard alias Beausoleil, and having also examined the said persons touching the substance of the said Letters, Do Advise that the Lieutenant Governor will be pleased to transmit the said Letter to His Majesty’s Secretary of State, with such Representations thereon, as to him shall appear most expedient; being of opinion that such correspondence between His Majesty’s subjects and those of the French King, without the knowledge of government may be prejudicial of His Majesty’s Interest. “5356

    ____________________

“ GOVERNMENT OF THE LEWARD ISLANDS.

Charles Theodat, Count D’Estaing Nominated and admitted Knight of the Orders of the King, Lieut.-General of his Army and Navy, Governor General and Representative of His Majesty’s Person in the Leward Islands in America and the seas adjacent.

Be it known to all the Acadians residing in New England that all each of them whether men, women or children as are willing to go the the french colonies in Saint Domingo may apply to Mr. John Hanson Merchant at New York, who will furnish them with necessary Provision and Procure them passages to the aforesaid colonies, where they shall be kindly received. They shall have grants of land made to them and they shall be maintained by the King during the first months of their abode and until they shall be able to maintain themselves.

At Cape Francois in the Island of Saint Domingo the 26 June 1764.
By Order,
MARTIN

(Translated from the French.)

BOSTON December 1, 1764.

To His Excellency the Governour Commander in Chief of Massachusetts Bay.

We take the liberty, all of us in general, of presenting to your Excellency a few words presuming to intreat your honour to grant us a general passport for all of us who shall incline to go to Hispaniola.

We intreat your honourable person to comply with our request if your honour think fit and consent to our request..

Signed by the chief of the Acadian families.

Such as here present without reckoning such as are not Present.

Names. Number in each family.

. . . .

Jean Landry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Aman Braux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Jean Guedrit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Jean Leblanc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

. . . .

Total number . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350

To the above must be added the following names, who gave their list December 10 1764:

. . . .

Total number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .406

With few exceptions all these 66 heads of families went to the Province of Quebec in 1766, 1767 and following years, and settled there.


At a Council held held at the Council Chamber in Boston, the 19th of Dec., 1764.

His Excellency the Governor having communicated to the Board an application he had received from some of the French Acadians who had come to Boston in order to take passage for some of the French Islands and are now destitute of all means of support.

Advised That His Excellency recommend it to the overseers of the Poor of the Town of Boston to make Particular Inquiry into the circumstances of those People and to take an accounty (of) what Towns they come from and the number from each Town, and that a sum not exceeding £25 be advanced to the Overseers for their present support and that they be desired to devise means for putting an end to this charge by returning them to their respective towns if possible, and to prevent any more of them from comming in; and to lay some state of the affair before his Excellency and the Board on Wednesday next.

A. OLIVER, Sec.

The Overseers of the Poor of the Town of Boston beg leave to acquaint your Excellency and Honours that immediately upon the receipt of the within recommendation they were called together, sett themselves about the Business therein pointed out and make the following Report.

That most of these poor Accadians we found very sick and others daily taken down which as we apprehend is chiefly owing to the distressed circumstances these people were under before any relief was afforded them. Those of them who are in health and are able to work the season of the year is such that but little labour is to be done: it appears to us they are solicitously careful to find employ yet they cannot obtain sufficient for the support of themselves much less their Family, &c.

As to putting an immediate end to this charge the method printed in your Excellency’s recommendation would be most effectual, but when we consider the Season of the Year and reflect on their present Circumstances, that in some of the Familys are the aged and infirm, in others those who are sick and in all women and young children, we cannot think it eligible to say the least so much as to attempt at present to prosecute it etc.

We beg leave to mention to your Excellency & Honours as one means of putting an end to the present method of their support That the Selectmen of the several Towns which they were assigned by the General Court be made particularly acquainted with their circumstances that they themselves make take further care as to them may seem meet.

With respect to the preventing of others comming into this Town with the same expectations we cannot conceive of any method more effectual than that already taken by your Excellency in issuing your Proclamation so generally spread forbidding any person to carry them off.

We are with Great Esteem
Your Excellency’s & Honours most humble servants.

JOHN BARRET per Order.



AT BOSTON the 1st January 1765.

We Acadians have a great desire to to the french Colonies. We take the liberty to present a second Petition to your Excellency the Governor & Commander in Chief of the Massachusetts Bay to you and your Council wishing you a good year & great Prosperity flattering ourselves, Sir, that your honorable Person will do us Perfect justice in respect to what we Pray for.

You are well acquainted Sir, with the offer which has been made us from Colonies. For nine years we have lived in hopes of joining our Country men and its seems to us that you have caused a door which was open to be shut upon us. We have always understood that in time of Peace and in all countries the prison doors are open to Prisoners. It is therefore astonishing to us, Sir, to be detained here. We are told that we are allowed the liberty of our religion which is contrary to what we think to be the case, for it seems to us that if you detain us here you take from us the free exercise of our religion. This is very hard upon us. It is hard to reflect upon our Present situation, to see ourselves by one sudden blow rendered incapable of affording ourselves relief.

Sir, If you do not take compassion on us, we believe we shall Perish with cold and hunger.

Sir, Since we Presented our Petition to you we receive 94 Pounds of mutton, two loads of wood, two bushels of Pease, five bushels of Potatoes and turnips for seventy two of us.

Sir, This is very hard after having been ruined as we have been. There are some of your People that think we are rich. This has never been the case with us yet, since we have been in this country, but less so at present than ever, for all the riches which remain to us are Poverty and Misery.

Thus, Sir, we intreat you to be so good as to have compassion on us Poor People for the remaining time we are to tarry here.


signed by
JEAN TRAHANT.
CASTIN THIBODOT.
JEAN HEBAIRE.
CHARLE LANDRY.
ALLEXIS BRAUX.


Message of Governor Francis Bernard respecting the Acadians.

Gentlemen of the Council and gentlemen of the House of Representatives.

About three months ago, I was first informed that the Acadians belonging to this Province were going hence in large numbers to form a settlement in French Hispaniola. As I have all along considered these People to be British subjects, and have some time ago submitted their case to his Majesty’s Ministers of State, and prayed their directions concerning them, I could not suffer these Emigrations to be carried under my eye, until I have received orders thereof from home. I therefore with the advice of the Council issued a Proclamation to prevent their transportations. Since which I have received several Petitions from them, complaining of the want of subsistance here. With the advice of the Council, I procure them some relief for the present, until the General Court meet. I now lay before you their Petitions with other Papers relating thereto; and desire your advice and assistance concerning these People.

Their case is truly pitiable: if they go to Hispaniola, they run into certain destruction, very few escaping with life, the Effects of the bad climate there, and yet they have no encouragement to continue in this country. Humanity more than Policy makes me desirous to prevent the remainder of them taking this fatal voyage. I want not so much to make them British Subjects, as to keep them from perishing. The first consideration must be to provide them present subsistence: After which I shall be very glad, if means could be concerted to procure them somewhere some Comfortable Settlement; that they may not be obliged to pursue the desperate resolution of removing to Hispaniola with little probability of surviving the Experiment.

COUNCIL CHAMBER FRA BERNARD
January 24, 1765.


The Committee appointed to take into consideration his Excellency’s message of the 25th (sic) Instant, relative to the Acadians now in the Province, beg leave to report, that they find the said People extremely averse to continue within the Province.

The Committee are therefore of opinion it would at present be to no purpose to make them any offer of land in order to a settlement.

The Committee find that a large number have left the Towns where they were placed, to come to Boston in order to remove to West Indies and that others had disposed of their Provisions and necessary utensils and lost much of their time in preparing for their Removal.

The Comtee further find that the Intent of his Excellency’s Proclamation was to restrain all persons from contracting for the removal of his Majesty’s Subjects in order to strengthen the Dominions of a foreign Prince. The Comtee find that the said Acadians by means of their disappointment are under necessitous circumstances and in danger of perishing unless immediately relieved by the Court.

The Committee therefore report it as their opinion that some assistance be offered to such of the Acadians as are so circumstanced to relieve and support them during the two following months.

which is submitted
per order of the Committee
BEN J. LYNDE.

In Council Feb. 2, 1765. Read and sent down.
In the House of Representatives Feb. 5, 1765. Read and not accepted.


In the House of Representatives, Feb. 15, 1765.

Resolved that the Acadians now in this town that by a former Order of this Court are Inhabitants of other Towns within this Province & are now subsisted [thro their necessity] at the public charge be further allowed at the charge of the Province four Days Provisions more here in order to prepare themselves for their removal as also the necessary Provision to support them in their return to the several Towns to which they Respectfully belong, allowing Eight miles for the sd four Days all such Acadians immediately be sent to the Town to which the belong & that the charge of the Transportation of such of them as shall be unable to travel be paid out of the public Treasury, And that the Commissary General be directed to supply the said Acadians with the aforesaid allowance of Provisions & to see to the Execution of this Order in regard to their Removal to their several & Respectives Towns.

Sent up for Concurrence
S. WHITE, Spk.

In Council, Feb. 7 (sic) 1765. Read and Concurred.
A. Oliver, Sec.

Consented to
FRA BERNARD


To His Excellency Francis Bernard Esq. Capt. General and Governor in Chief for
his Majesty of Great Briton in the Province of Massachusetts Bay in New
England at Boston & to the Gentlemen of the Council of Boston.

We the French of Acadia whom they call Neutrals, being in the Government of Boston & scattered through the country towns by order of Council, and having remained there several years without troubling the Government, but our families being greatly increased, we have been obliged to quite the country and to come to Boston in order to go away, but we were stopped by an order of Government which obliged us to remain at Boston & to endeavour to support ourselves and our poor families. Some follow the fishery, some work as labourers in the town where they are able to find work. Those that go a fishing are obliged to take up so much in necessaries that when they come home and what has been advanced is deducted nothing remains for the support of their families. Therefore we poor Frenchmen pray the Gentlemen of the Council to have pity & compassion upon us & many poor widows & our small children and help us this winter, so as to support life, which we are unable to do, and are obliged to have recourse to you to find us work being willing to labour, but not being able to find employment in this town.

Therefore we pray your Excellency and Gentlemen of the Council to regard us with an eye of pity & not to forget us and we shall be your most humble and obedient servants.

JEAN HEBERT
AUGUSTIN LE BLANC
his
PIERRE X TRAHAN
mark
his
MARIN X GOUDREAUX.
mark “5357

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Olivier (Augustin - of Canada) m. 8 Jan. 1793 Felicite OCOIN, widr. of Joseph FARKE [FAULK] (Alexandre & Isabel DUON) Wits: Charles GILBAUX, Jean Baptiste SIMON, David BABINO. Fr. George MURPHY (SM Ch.: v. 4, #67) “4092,5315

    ____________________

AUCOIN, Felicite widr. of Joseph FARKE [FAULK] (Alexandre OCOIN & Isabel DUON) m. 8 Jan. 1793 Olivier GUIDRY (Augustin - of Canada) Wits: Charles GILBAUX, Jean Baptiste SIMON, David BABINO. Fr. George MURPHY (SM Ch.: v. 4, #67) “5358,5315

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Paul (Olivier GUEDRY - of Boston & Felicite AUCOIN - of Belle Isle en Mer, France) b. 25 March 1798, bt 7 June 1798 Pats: Augustin GUIDRY & Marguerite PICOT; Mats: Alexandre AUCOIN & Isabelle DUON - all of Acadie; Spons: Paul GUIDRY & Ludivine BROUSSARD. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 5, #61) “4087,5359

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Olivier (Olivier - of Boston & Felice ‘OCOING’ [AUCOIN] - of Belle Isle en Mer, France) b. 8 April 1800, bt. 7 May 1800 Pats: Augustin GUIDRY & Marguerite PICOT; Mats: Alexandre AUCOIN & Isabelle DUON - of Acadia; Spons: Joseph DUON & Scholastique HEBERT. ‘A una salida en’ (during a mission to] Vermillon at the home of Joseph DUON. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 5, #243) “5360,5361

    ____________________

“ Burial of Jean Guildry dit Labine

November 4, 1802, we, the undersigned priest buried in the cemetary of this parish the body of Jean Guildry dit Labine. He died the day before yesterday, armed with the sacrements. He was eighty and some years old and the husband of Marie Angelique Marois. Present at the burial were Joseph Guildry, Jean Guildry, Jean Baptiste Guildry and several others who declared that they did not know how to sign this document according to the ordonnance. “5328

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Alexandre (Olivier - Canadien, naturalized as an American in Philadelphia & Felicite OCOING de Belle Isle en Mere, France) b. Easter Sunday, 1803, bt. Aug. 1804 Pats: August GUEDRY & Marguerite PECOT - d’Acadie; Mats: Alexandre AUCOIN & Elizabeth DUON - of Acadie; Spons: Claude DUON & Elizabeth DUON. Done at the home of widow Pierre TRAHAN. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 2 p. 47 AND v. 1, last page) “4101,5362

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Alexandre (Olivier GUEDRY dit Canada of Philadelphia in America & Felicite OCOING - of Belle Isle en Mer, France) b. on Feast of the Pascal Resurrection [Easter] 1803, bt. 19 Aug. 1804 at Vermillon at wid. Pierre TRAHAN. Pats: Augustin GUIDRY & Marguerite PICOT - of Acadia; Mats: Alexandre OCOING & Elizabeth DUON - of Acadia; Spons: Claude DUON & Elizabeth DUON. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 6 #146) “4101,5363

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Charles (Olivier - native of Boston & Felice OCOING [AUCOIN], native of Belle isle en mer, France) b. 18 Nov. 1805, bt. 5 Jan. 1806 at Carencro residence of Joseph BRO. Pats: Augustin GUEDRY & Marguerite PICOT - of Acadie; Mats: Alexandre OCOING & Isabelle DUON [DUHON] - of Acadie; Spons: Louis ARSONNEAU & Marie Anne BRO - his spouse. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 6-A, p. 4) “4294,5364

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Charles (Olivier - of Boston & Felice OCOING - of Belle-Île-en-Mer, France) b. 18 Nov. 1805, bt. 5 Jan. 1806 in Carencro at residence of Jospeh Athanase BRO Pats: Augustin GUEDRY & Marguerite PICOT; Mats: Alexandre OCOING & Izabelle DUON - all of Acadie; Spons: Louis ARSONNEAUX & Marie Anne BRO, his wife. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: Folio E, p.9, #15) “4294,5365

“ At Boston January 13, 1766.
To his Excellency Francis Bernard, governor in chief at Boston and his Majesty’s Council.

We the French Acadians, resident here, having presented a Memorial dated the 11th of last month to the Council and Court, praying them to assist us with something to maintain us this Winter and not having had any answer;

We humbly beg leave to desire your Excellency and his Majesty’s Council to have the goodness to transport us to Canada in proper vessels for us and our families with provisions to maintain us for one year, we having no means to do it ourselves. And we pray your Excellency the Governor to have the goodness to write to the Honourable James Murray, Governor and Commander General of the province of Canada, that he would be so good as to give us lands and assistance for us and our families after our arrival in Canada, according to his proclamation of the first of March, 1765. And in so doing you will oblige your most submissive servants, the subscribers.

Boston, Feb. 8, 1766. (Signed) JEAN TRAHAN.
ALEX BROC.
RENE LANDRY
ISAC GOURDEAUX.
AUGUSTIN LEBLANC.
ISIDORE GOURDAUX.
JEAN HEBERT.
JOSEPH MANZEROL.


Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
At the beginning of this Session I sent a message to you recommending a Petition of some French Accadians to which I have received no answer. I now recommend to you another Petition of the Accadians in general, which I desire you would immediately take into your consideration.

Ever since I have been Governor of this Province I have had great compassion for this People, as every one must who has considered that it was by the exigencies of War rather than any fault of their own that they were removed from a State of ease and affluence and brought into poverty and dependence; from which in their present situation they Can see no prospects of being delivered. I have heretofore made several attempts to them settled in some manner that might make them useful Subjects of Great Britain and Comfortable to themselves but I have failed for want of ability.

You have now an opportunity at no great Expense to dispose of these People, so that instead of being a burthen to the Province and to themselves as they are like to continue, whilst they remain here, they may become a fresh accession of wealth and strength to the British Empire in America; as it is certain that their Industry only waits for property to exert itself on, without which no one will be industrious. I therefore hope you will improve this occasion; and in so doing you will unite public Spirit and Charity.

FRA. BERNARD.

Council Chamber
Feb. 13th. 1766
Upon the Petition of the Acadians as referred in Govr Bernard’s Message to the House of Representatives, on the 13th of Feb. 1766.


In the House of Representatives Feb. 18, 1766.
Resolved that the Commissary General be directed forthwith to put in Execution the Resolve of the whole Court of the 15th February last respecting said Accadians, and if they refuse to go to the Several Towns to which they were assigned by order of this Court that then the House Rent and provisions they now receive be withdrawn and that they still be deemed ans Inhabitants of the Towns to which they were originally assigned.

But in case any of them should be in such necessitous circumstances as to require immediate relief & support, they shall be relieved at the Charge of the Province till they are in circumstances to return to sd Towns to which they belong.

Sent up for Concurrence.
S. WHITE, Spk.

In Council, 20th Feb. 1766. Read and non Concurred.
A. OLIVER, Sec.


In the House of Representatives Feb. 20, 1766.

Resolved That His Excellency the Govr be desired to write to the Govr of Canada to acquaint him of the Desire of the French Accadians in this Province to go thither and to Know of him whither he is willing to Receive them as settlers in that Government & that the sum of Twenty Pounds be allowed out of the public Treasury to enable the Govr to send two of the sd French People for the Purpose aforesaid.

Sent up for Concurrence

S. WHITE, Spk.

In Council Feb. 20, 1766.
Read & Concurred.

JNO. COTTON, D. Sec.

Consented to.

FRA. BERNARD.

Extract of a Letter from Govr. Murray to Govr. Bernard dated Quebec
the 28th April 1766.

Sir, -- I received some time ago your letter of the 25th Feby. relative to the Accadians in your Province: I think it will be for the good of the British Empire in General and that of this Province in particular that these people were settled here upon the same footing with his Majesty’s New Canadian subjects, and therefore I shall not hesitate to receive them. But as they formerly refused to take the Oath of Allegiance & abjuration, and by their Petition to me, it appears they expect to be supported here at the expense of Government until they can provide for themselves. I think it necessary to enclose my answer their Petition, which I beg you will be pleased to have Communicated to them in such a way that none may plead ignorance, this will prevent future heartburnings & reproaches on either side.

To his Excellency Francis Bernard Esq. Govr. &c. also to the Gentlemen of the Council.

Sir, -- We all the inhabitant Acadians in general thank your Excellency & the Gentlemen of the Council for having the Goodness to write in our favour to his Excllency James Murray Esq. Governor at Quebec &c.; & having received an answer from his Excellency for our going to settle in Canada; but his Excellency cannot assist us in any manner with provisions upon our arrival there.

We pray your Excellency and the Gentlemen of the Council to have the goodness to regard us with the Eye of pity and to assist us with something to enable us to live for some time after our arrival there.

Our situation being extreemely poor & miserable, & their being many poor widows incumbered with young children as well as persons advanced in years who are not able to wrok for their support, is the reason of flinging ourselves upon your protection you having been always ready to assist us and there being no one but you, gentlemen who can draw us out of the abiss of trouble in which we are.

Sir, -- We are in general resolved to take the oath of fidelity, and therefore pray you would give orders to transport us to Canada as soon as shall be possible. For great part of us have not worked for some time in expectation of our being removed; & we know not what part to take unless your Excellency & the Gentlemen of the Council will assist us in Our Want & regard our poor Condition

Your most humble most obedient, submissive & faithful subjects.

ALEXIS BRO
JEAN LANDRY
JEAN TIBODO
PIERRE MIUSE
AMAN LANDRY

Boston June 2, 1766

Liste Des Noms des francois qui veulent passés au Canada.
(Translation: List of the Names of the French who want to go to Canada.)

Name No. in each family


. . . .

Jean Hebert . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Joseph Manzerolle . . . . . . . . 4
Joseph Landry . . . . . . . . .. . 7
Jean Guedry . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Joseph Hebert . . . . . . . . . . 4
Castin Tibodo . . . . . . . . . . . 5

. . . .

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 890

. . . .


Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

According to the desire of the House last Session, I sent two Acadians, in Febry last, with letters to his Excellency Gov. Murray. One of them is since returned & has brought letters from Gov. Murray expressing his readiness to receive the Acadians if they shall be transported thither; but signifying his inability for want of a proper fund to make any provision for them upon their arrival.

The Acadians are willing to go & have given lists of those who are ready to the amount of 890 persons: They have also given in another petition praying some provisions may be made for supporting them for a little time after their arrival. All of which I lay before you that you may do herein as you shall think most proper.

FRA. BERNARD.
Council Chamber
June 9, 1766.


June, 1766.

The Comtee appointed to Examine into the State and Circumstances of the French Neutrals In the Province have attended that Service and they find that several Towns in the Province who had French Neutrals Assigned Them in the general distribution of them have for some Time past been wholly Freed from any Charges on their Account, and other Towns Remain at Considerable Charges, and further the Comtee find that agreeable to the Order of the House the Commissary General has supplyd the French with 8-10 and the Comtee also find that by Order of the Govr and Council Since August 21, 1765, the French have been supplyd with Sundreys and House Rent to the amount of £48, 15s, 8d, 2qt. And also with £20 granted by the General Court to enable two of the French to go to Canada: and that those French that have Recd the above £48, 15s, 7d, 2qr. Belong to Lenncester [Lancaster], Acton, Shrewsbury, Medford, Willmington, Worcester, Woburn, Barnstable, Hingham and Rutland.

AARON WOOD
per Order.


Mr. Otis, Col. Bowers and Mr. Sayward to draw a vote to prevent the neutrals being supplyd any further and to inquire relative to the money already advanced.

In the House of Representatives June 25, 1766.
Resolved that the sum of £48, 15, 8.2 which has been paid out of the Treasury of this Province by order of the Governor and Council for the support of sundry of the Accadians be added to the next year’s Tax of each of those Towns to which the several Persons for whose support the same money was advanced In the same proportion as the same was Paid out, and that no further sum be paid out of the Treasury for the support of any of those People without the orders of this Court.

A
Send up for concurrence.
T. CUSHING, Spk.

In Council 27 June 1766.
Read and Concurred with the amendment at A viz: cases of absolute necessity excepted.

Send down for concurrence.
A. OLIVER, Sec.

In the House of Representatives, June 27, 1766.
Read and non-concurred.
T. CUSHING, Spk.


Council June 27, 1766. Read.

The following item appears in “The Quebec Gazette” of September 1st, 1766:
“Last night came up the sloop Terrey, from Boston: She has brought with her about 40 Acadians, who, for the Benefit of their Religion, are come here to settle.”

On the 8th September, same year, “The Quebec Gazette: says:
“Thursday arriv’d here the sloop Good Intent, Samuel Harris, from Boston, with a number of Acadians, who are come here to settle.”

The Council met the same day and here is what was decided relating to these Acadians:
At the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Louis in the City of Quebec on Monday the Eight Day of September 1766.

Present:
The Honble Hector Théo Cramahé
Adam Mabane
Thomas Mills Esqs.
Walter Murray
James Goldfrap

The Council met this Day to read a petition from a number of Acadians just arrived from the province of New England in consequence of a Letter from His Excellency Governor Murray to them dated in April in answer to a petition from the Acadians, dated 28 February 1766.

The Board are of opinion that an order should be directed to the Commissary of the King’s provisions to issue to the Acadians being the number of Ninety men, women and children provisions for one month and that an advertisement should be published acquainting the different Seigneurs in this province of the arrival of these people; that they may without Loss of time Agree with them to settle on their lands upon the best terms the Can make.

Resolved that an order be given to the Commissary accordingly vizt: that a full Ration be furnished to the men and women and half a ration to the Children.

Signed H. T. CRAMAHE


On September 15, 1766 “The Quebec Gazette” published the following “Advertisements,
Council Chambers, Quebec, 8th September 1766.
“Whereas a Number of Acadians have lately arrived from New England, with an Intention to take up Lands and Settle in this Province; His Majesty’s Council have directed this public Intimation to be made to the different Seigneurs, that they may without Loss of Time agree with these Acadians to settle the unconceded Lands in their Seigneuries. “

“N. B. One Month’s Provisions are ordered to be issued to them, from his Majesty’s Stores, for Subsistence till they Can provide themselves as aforesaid.”

“By order of the Board, J. A. POTTS, D. D. C. “ “5366

    ____________________

“ No. 582

To His Excellency the Governor and Council in Boston, assembled:

The humble Petition of John Labardore shewith, that by reason of his large & helpless Family (having Eight Children) and the slackness of work he is reduced to great penury, and fears that if he stays in this place till Winter they must inevitably suffer: Therefore most earnestly begs you would grant him and family their passage to Quebec gratis where he had a Cousins House to go live in this Winter.

Your poor petitioner more especially claims your protection and favour, on account of his former services to the loyal subjects of Great Brittain in saving the lives of many of them when in imminent danger fo being destroyed by the Micmac Indians, and at the peril of his own life and all his there possessions which were pretty considerable; the truth of which several gentlemen here in Marblehead can attest if required. The last encounter he had with said Indians was on the occasion, viz.: An English vessel put into his Harbour, as he called it, which the Indians seeing sent him word that if he went on board to warn them of their danger as was his custom, they would kill him: But he said he would, and that he would suffer no murder to be committed in his place, upon which a Battle ensued between him & the savage messenger and the savage shot him with small shot whereof several remain in his body to this Day, and he obliged to fly to another part of the province to save his life, and which he submits to your wise considerations, and in hopes of you granting his request remains
Your most dutiful Servt.,

JOHN LABARDORE

BOSTON, 14th July, 1766.



No. 583

BOSTON, 23rd July, 1766.

GENTLEMEN, -- John Labardore, a French Accadian, whose Family is partly placed in your Town by the Government has applied to the Govr. & Council, desiring they may be carried to Quebec at the public Expense; but as the care of them is devolved upon you, I am by their direction to acquaint you of this their desire, & to recommend it to you, if you choose to part with them to make provision for their passage, or that you would otherwise fulfill your agreement with them. The arrears now due from you to these people would go a great way towards paying this Expense in case they should be willing to have it applied it in that manner; and there is a vessel sails for Quebec next Saturday. “5367

    ____________________

The death certificate of Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador from St. Jacques de l’Achigan, Québec, Canada states:

“ November 4, 1802, we, the undersigned priest buried in the cemetary of this parish the body of Jean Guildry dit Labine. He died the day before yesterday, armed with the sacrements. He was eighty and some years old and the husband of Marie Angelique Marois. Present at the burial were Joseph Guildry, Jean Guildry, Jean Baptiste Guildry several others who declared that they did not know how to sign this document according to the ordonnance. “5328

    ____________________

“ Olivier, like his brothers, was a voyageur and is believed to hae (sic) taken a canoe from Quebec to Louisiana. His marriage certificate (see below state his father is Augustin Gidri (Guidry)) from Cananda (sic). This Augustin, I lstrongly (sic) believe, was the Jean Baptiste (Q) who went to Quebec from Boston. We are not sure why he used Augustin instead of Jean for his father’s name, except that Augustin was Jean’s middle name. We find the wedding of his son Joseph (Q3) in 1783 the name Jean Baptiste Augustin Guidry dit Labine. Oliver (sic) had a farm, where he raised rice and cattle along the Mermenou (sic). He left a large estate. “5368

Arsenault4778,4792, Rieder4775 and several other references4780,4781,4782 confuse the parentage of Jean Guédry who married Marie LeBlanc. The Jean Guédry, born about 1730, who married Marie LeBlanc, born about 1735-1737, was almost certainly the son of Paul Guédry and Anne-Marie Mius d’Entremont d’Azy. The several references listed above cite an Anselme Guédry, son of Pierre Guédry and Marguerite Brasseau, who married Marie LeBlanc, born in 1735. Without doubt this Anselme Guédry is actually Jean Guédry, son of Paul Guédry and Anne-Marie Mius d’Entremont d’Azy. At this time there is no direct evidence for the existence of an Anselme Guédry, son of Pierre Guédry and Marguerite Brasseau, other than this marriage reference. The confusion seems to have originated in the declarations made in the Register of the Acadians at Belle-Île-en-Mer, France. Since the original Acadian church registers had been lost during the Acadian deportation of 1755-1763, Father Le Loutre attempted to reconstruct the information in the original registers by having each of the Acadian families at Belle-Île-en-Mer prepare a declaration citing vital statistics of their extended family to the best of their ability. These declarations were prepared in 1767 - many years after the original events occurred. Although the declarations are very useful in establishing the Acadian family relationships, care must be used as memories were often foggy and errors crept into the declarations. In the “Declaration of Joseph LeBlanc of the village of Bernantec” on 6 March 1767 it is stated “Marie LeBlanc in 1735. Married at Isle Saint Jean to Anselme Guedry son of Pierre Guedry and Marguerite Brosseau, presently living at Isles Saint Pierre and Miquelon.” The phrase “Marie LeBlanc in 1735” refers to the birth of Marie LeBlanc in 1735. Marie LeBlanc was the sister of the Joseph LeBlanc making the declaration. We know from other sources that Jean Guédry and Marie LeBlanc with their family of three children (Jean, Joseph and Marie) were living at St. Pierre and Miquelon on 15 May 17674784. This Jean Guédry was the son of Paul Guédry and Anne-Marie Mius d’Entremont d’Azy. We have no record of an Anselme Guédry ever living at St. Pierre and Miquelon. All known evidence confirms that Paul Guédry and Anne-Marie Mius d’Entremont d’Azy had a son Jean Anselme Guédry, born about 1730, who married Marie LeBlanc, born about 1735-1737 and who was the daughter of Joseph LeBlanc and Magdelaine Lalande. This Jean Guédry and Marie LeBlanc is the couple cited in the “Declaration of Joseph LeBlanc of the village of Bernantec” on 6 March 1767; however, the parentage given for Anselme (Jean) Guédry was incorrect. This oversight is easily understood if one remembers that Joseph LeBlanc was attempting to reconstruct the lives of his five brothers and sisters (most of whom he had not seen in several years) as well as his own life. Since Paul Guédry and Pierre Guédry were brothers and born next to each other chronologically, it would be easy to confuse one for the other.

    ____________________

In his Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens Bona Arsenault mistakenly assigns Anselme Guédry (i.e., Jean Anselme Guédry) as the son of Pierre Guédry and Marguerite Brasseau rather than correctly listing him as the son of Paul Guédry and Anne-Marie Mius d’Entremont dit d’Azy.4787,4788 Later in these same works he does provide the correct parentage for Jean Guédry (i.e., Jean Anselme Guédry).4789,4788 For both Anselme Guédry and Jean Guédry (i.e., Jean Anselme Guédry) he lists the wife as Marie LeBlanc and the birth year of Jean Guédry and Anselme Guédry as 1730. In fact, Jean Guédry and Anselme Guédry are one and the same person here - Jean Anselme Guédry, the son of Paul Guédry and Anne-Marie Mius d’Entremont dit d’Azy.

    ____________________

In his Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens4526 Bona Arsenault incorrectly states that the parents of Augustin Guidry (i.e., Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry), husband of Marguerite Picot, are Augustin Guédry and Jeanne Hébert. We know from other records that the parents of this Augustin Guidry, who married Marguerite Picot and had a son named Olivier, was the son of Pierre Guédry and Marguerite Brasseau. Furthermore, he incorrectly gives the birth year of Augustin Guidry as about 1750 when it was much earlier and gives his date of marriage to Marguerite Picot as about 1772 when it was about 1755.

    ____________________

In his Histoire et Généalogie des Acadiens5350,5182 Bona Arsenault incorrectly states that the birth year of Jean Guédry, husband of Marguerite Picot, is 1735 when it should be 1725. Another son of Pierre Guédry and Marguerite Brasseau by the name of Jean Femilien Guédry was born in 1735.5107

    ____________________

Labine indicates in the text5369 of his book that Mathurin Guédry is the son of Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador and Claire Hélène Benoit; however, in the genealogy section5341 he incorrectly places Mathurin Guédry as the son of the Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador and Marguerite Picot. Based on his year of birth (1753) and the dates of marriage of Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador and Claire Hélène Benoit (1747) and of Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador and Marguerite Picot (ca. 1755), Mathurin Guédry was the son of Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador and Claire Hélène Benoit. Claire Hélène Benoit died during the deportation in 1755 and the widowed Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador then married Marguerite Picot.

Jean Baptiste Augustin Guédry dit Labine dit Labrador
Jean Baptiste Augustin Guedry dit Labine dit Labrador
Jean Baptiste Augustin Guidry dit Labine dit Labrador
Jean Baptiste Augustin Guidry dit Labine
Jean Baptiste Guidry dit Labrador dit Labine
Jean Baptiste Guildry dit LaBine dit Labador
Jean Baptiste Guildry dit LaBine
Jeana Baptiste Guidry
Jean Baptiste, dit Labrador
Jean-Baptiste Labrador
Jean Guidry dit Labine
Jean Guidry dit Labrador dit Labine
Jean Guédry dit Labrador dit Labine
Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine
Jean Guidry
Jean Guédry
Jean Guedry
Jean Gaidry
Augustin Gidri
Augustin Guidry
Augustin Guedry
Jean Femilien Guedry
Jean Guidri
Jean Guedrit
John Guidry
John Gaidry
John Guidri
John Guidrit
Jean Guildry
Jean Guildry dit Labine
Jean Labardor
Jean Labrador
John Labardor
John Labrador
John Labardore
Vieux Labrador
Old Labrador
Jean Guidry, dit Grivois
Augustino Gidri
Grivois
Jean Guedry dit la Bine
Jean Guedry dit Labain

“ p. 116 (août 2007)

La même famille
Ajouter, après <<k. (anciennement j.) Elisabeth (Isabelle)>> une nouvelle notice, comme suit:

l. Hélène (selon S. A. White) m v. 1748 Jean GUEDRY dit LABRADOR dit LABINE (Pierre & Marguerite Brassaud); d entre 1749 & 1752. Par conséquent, <<k>> et <<l>> deviennent <<m>> et <<n>>. “

Translation:
“ p. 116 (August 2007)

The same family
Add, after <<k. (formerly j.) Elisabeth (Isabelle)>> a new notice as follows:

l. Hélène (according to S. A. White) m about 1748 Jean GUEDRY dit LABRADOR dit LABINE (Pierre & Marguerite Brassaud); d. between 1749 & 1752. Consequently, <<k>> and <<l>> become <<m>> and <<n>>. “4756

    ___________________

“ p. 117 (août 1007)

La même famille
Ajouter une nouvelle Note de S.A. White, entre les deuxième et troisième, comme suit:

iii. Nous croyons que l'épouse de Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine appartenait à la famille de Claude Benoit parce qu'en 1766 son veuf Jean Guédry est venu de Boston à Québec sur le même navire qu'Anne, François, Jeanne, Joseph et Françoise Benoit et leurs familles. Tous les Acadiens sur ce navire étaient étroitement alliés ou apparentés. Il faut croire que Jean Guédry était également allié aux autres. “

Translation:
“ p. 117 (August 2007)

The same family
Add a new Note de S. A. White between the second and third as follows:

iii. We believe that the spouse of Jean Guedry dit Labrador dit Labine belongs to the family of Claude Benoit because in 1766 her widower Jean Guédry came from Boston to Québec on the same ship as Anne, François, Jeanne, Joseph and Françoise Benoit and their families. All the Acadians on that ship were closely related or connected by marriage. One has to believe that Jean Guédry was likewise related to the others. “5351

    ___________________

“ Jean Baptiste, dit Labrador was captured along with 183 other prisoners at Pisiquid on September 5, 1755, by Captain Murray, an officer under the command of Colonel Winslow posted at Grand Pre. Jean was deported from Pisiquid, the site of present day Windsor, Nova Scotia. Windsor is not very far from Grand Pre where a park presently stands as a silent tribute to the tragic Acadian deportation. “4770

    ____________________

“ Jean Baptiste Guidry dit Labine was deported from Pisiquid In 1755. We do not know the name of the ship that carried Jean away from Pisiquid, but we know that four ships left Pisiquid on October 27, 1755, and that three of them were destined for ports other than Boston. The Schooner Neptune, under the command of Captain Davis, may have transported Jean and his wife Helen Benoit, to the Boston area.

Very little opposition on the part of the Acadians is reported from those fateful days. At Chipody, Major Frye of Winslow’s regiment met with some opposition when 300 Acadians and Indians under the command of a man named Boishebert, killed, wounded or captured more than half of the English contingent. We don’t know if there were any Guidry’s in that group of resisters.

The Guidry family was separated during the deportation and as far as I know, Jean would never see his family again. His Father and Mother had gone to Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island) when the Indian uprisings began at Mirligueche and had then escaped to the French Islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon near Newfoundland. Jean’s brothers had also been deported and scattered.

We can only guess at what Jean went through on his voyage to Boston, although we know it was not a very pleasant journey. Along with untold numbers of other Acadians, Jean’s wife, Helene Benoit, died during these days, more than likely as a result of the deportation. It is probable that she died on the way to Boston.

As the boats with the Acadian prisoners left the Minas Basin, a fierce gale arose, causing the ships to separate. The thunder is reported to have rumbled with frightening noise, while lightning streaked the skies. Rain and hail fell furiously. Some of the ships sprang leaks and were abandoned by the sailors who escaped in lifeboats, leaving their human cargo to fend for themselves or drown. On other ships, practically everyone, particularly the old and infirm, fell victim to agonizing seasickness.

The crowding of so great a number of people into close holds, subject to all the miseries of a tedious ocean voyage, wrought great changes among the captives. Many died and, without any of the solemn rites of Christian burial, their bodies were thrown to the waves of the rolling ocean to become the prey of sharks, fond of human flesh.

One of the ships, called the Pembroke, containing 232 Acadians from Port Royal, was captured by the exiles it bore. Charles Beaulieu or Belliveau led a mutiny against the ship’s crew, killing the Captain and then stranding the ship in the Saint John River.

In all, it took 28 days for the ships to go from the Minas Basin to Boston, where some of the ships destined for the Carolinas had stopped to repair the damages caused by the storm. While the ships were anchored in the harbour, an investigative committee from the Legislative Assembly of Massachusetts went on board and on November 25, 1755, issued this report:

“ . . . these ships are overloaded and people too crowded, the food is insufficient; one pound of beef and two pounds of bread per person per week. These rations will ot enable them to reach their destinated ports, especially at this season. Besides, the water is very bad. “

A member of the Council of Halifax, Benjamin Green, who had been instrumental in ordering the deportation, was in Boston at the time. He went to see the living conditions of those “prisoners on water” and was horrified to see people literally dying on the decks. He contacted the members of the Legislature and offered to pay for medicine, food, and clothing if the sick, in need of attention, were allowed to land. The offer was accepted, and those who were sickly or who were going to be sent to North Carolina were brought ashore, among them were Jean and his soon to be wife, Marguerite Picotte. They were placed in old buildings or huts until they died or became well. Those who survived the winter were then dispersed throughout the colony. Jean and his then new wife and children, Mathurin, Anne Marie and Elizabeth were sent to Wilmington, where they stayed until 1760. It is interesting to note that Elizabeth was born in 1755 which may mean the Jean and Marguerite were married in early 1755, or that Elizabeth was not Jean’s daughter and that her Father had died during the deportation as had Jean’s first wife, Claire Helene Benoit.

The Acadians in Boston turned to be a financial drain on the people of Massachusetts and it was decided, on September 16, 1756,that “the French inhabitants, being unable to provide for their needs in this season, would not be admitted unless the Government of Nova Scotia refunded all expenses involved.” At that time, there were almost two thousand Acadians in Massachusetts.

Lack of funds and understanding between the English speaking Puritans and the French speaking Catholics froin (sic) Acadia made Jean Guidry’s stay in Boston a very difficult one. The Acadians were confined to the town limits in whatever area they were assigned. Penalties for violating this law were harsh. Rations were given to those families who took care of the Acadians, though the rations did not always come when expected. “5352

None

Claire Hélène Benoit
Claire Helene Benoit
Claire Helen Benoit
Clair Helene Benoit
Helene Benoit
Hélène Benoit

“ MICHEL PICOT, 1711, fils de Michel et d’Isabelle Levron, marié à Port-Royal, le 15 février 1731, à Anne Blain, fille de Louis et de Marie Daigle. Enfants: Marie-Marguerite, 1732; Anne, 1735; Isabelle, 1737; Marie, 1740; Jean, vers 1750. Des membres de cette famille se sont établis à Louisiane et à L’Assomption, au Québec. “

Translation:
“ MICHEL PICOT, 1711, son of Michel and of Isabelle Levron, married at Port-Royal 15 February 1731 to Anne Blain, daughter of Louis and of Marie Daigle. Children: Marie-Marguerite, 1732; Anne, 1735; Isabelle, 1737; Marie, 1740; Jean, about 1750. Some members of this family have settled at Louisiane and at L’Assomption in Québec. “5339

    ____________________

“ MICHEL PICOT, né en 1711, fils de Michel et d’Isabelle Levron, marié à Port-Royal, le 15 février 1731, à Anne Blain, fille de Louis et de Marie Daigle. Enfants: Marie, 1732; Anne, 1735; Isabelle, 1737; Marie, 1740; Jean, vers 1750. Cette famille était dans la région de Louiseville, au Québec, vers 1763. “

Translation:
“ MICHEL PICOT, born in 1711, son of Michel and of Isabelle Levron, married at Port-Royal 15 February 1731 to Anne Blain, daughter of Louis and of Marie Daigle. Children: Marie, 1732; Anne, 1735; Isabelle, 1737; Marie, 1740; Jean, about 1750. This family was in the region of Louiseville at Québec about 1763. “5340

    ____________________

“ MARIE-MARGUERITE PICOT, 1732, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blain, épousa Jean Guédry, fils de Pierre et de Marguerite Brasseau. “

Translation:
“ MARIE-MARGUERITE PICOT, 1732, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blain, wed Jean Guédry, son of Pierre and of Marguerite Brasseau. “5339

    ____________________

“ JEAN GUEDRY, 1735, fils de Pierre et de Marguerite Brasseau, marié, vers 1755, à Marguerite Picot, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blain. Enfants: Elizabeth, vers 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. Déportée au Massachusetts, cette famille était à Québec en 1766 et s’est établie à Saint-Jacques-de-l’Achigan vers 1767. “

Translation:
“ JEAN GUEDRY, 1735, son of Pierre and of Marguerite Brasseau, married about 1755 to Marguerite Picot, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blain. Children: Elizabeth, about 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. Deported to Massachusetts, this family was at Québec in 1766 and settled at Saint-Jacques-de-lAchigan about 1767. “5350

    ____________________

“ JEAN GUEDRY, né en 1735, fils de Pierre et de Marguerite Brasseau, marié vers 1755 à Marguerite Picot, fille de Michel et d’Anne Blin. Enfants: Elizabeth, vers 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. Cette famille, déportée au Massachusetts, en 1755, était à Québec, en 1766, et s’est établie à Saint-Jacques de L’Achigan, vers 1767. “

Translation:
“ JEAN GUEDRY, born in 1735, son of Pierre and of Marguerite Brasseau, married about 1755 to Marguerite Picot, daughter of Michel and of Anne Blin. Children: Elizabeth, about 1754; Joseph, 1757; Joseph, 1759; Jean-Charles, 1760; Olivier, 1764; Marguerite, 1766; Pierre, 1770; Marie-Judith, 1772; Marie-Anne, 1774; Augustin, 1775. This family, deported to Massachusetts in 1755, was at Québec in 1766 and settled at Saint-Jacques de L’Achigan about 1767. “5182

    ____________________

“ AUGUSTIN GUIDRY, né vers 1750, très probablement le fils d’Augustin et de Jeanne Hébert, marié vers 1772 à Marguerite Picot. Enfant: Olivier, vers 1773. “

Translation:
“ AUGUSTIN GUIDRY, born about 1750, very probably the son of Augustin and of Jeanne Hébert, married about 1772 to Marguerite Picot. Child: Olivier, about 1773. “4526
 
    ____________________

“ Jean Baptiste Guidry dit Labine was deported from Pisiquid In 1755. We do not know the name of the ship that carried Jean away from Pisiquid, but we know that four ships left Pisiquid on October 27, 1755, and that three of them were destined for ports other than Boston. The Schooner Neptune, under the command of Captain Davis, may have transported Jean and his wife Helen Benoit, to the Boston area.

Very little opposition on the part of the Acadians is reported from those fateful days. At Chipody, Major Frye of Winslow’s regiment met with some opposition when 300 Acadians and Indians under the command of a man named Boishebert, killed, wounded or captured more than half of the English contingent. We don’t know if there were any Guidry’s in that group of resisters.

The Guidry family was separated during the deportation and as far as I know, Jean would never see his family again. His Father and Mother had gone to Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island) when the Indian uprisings began at Mirligueche and had then escaped to the French Islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon near Newfoundland. Jean’s brothers had also been deported and scattered.

We can only guess at what Jean went through on his voyage to Boston, although we know it was not a very pleasant journey. Along with untold numbers of other Acadians, Jean’s wife, Helene Benoit, died during these days, more than likely as a result of the deportation. It is probable that she died on the way to Boston.

As the boats with the Acadian prisoners left the Minas Basin, a fierce gale arose, causing the ships to separate. The thunder is reported to have rumbled with frightening noise, while lightning streaked the skies. Rain and hail fell furiously. Some of the ships sprang leaks and were abandoned by the sailors who escaped in lifeboats, leaving their human cargo to fend for themselves or drown. On other ships, practically everyone, particularly the old and infirm, fell victim to agonizing seasickness.

The crowding of so great a number of people into close holds, subject to all the miseries of a tedious ocean voyage, wrought great changes among the captives. Many died and, without any of the solemn rites of Christian burial, their bodies were thrown to the waves of the rolling ocean to become the prey of sharks, fond of human flesh.

One of the ships, called the Pembroke, containing 232 Acadians from Port Royal, was captured by the exiles it bore. Charles Beaulieu or Belliveau led a mutiny against the ship’s crew, killing the Captain and then stranding the ship in the Saint John River.

In all, it took 28 days for the ships to go from the Minas Basin to Boston, where some of the ships destined for the Carolinas had stopped to repair the damages caused by the storm. While the ships were anchored in the harbour, an investigative committee from the Legislative Assembly of Massachusetts went on board and on November 25, 1755, issued this report:

“ . . . these ships are overloaded and people too crowded, the food is insufficient; one pound of beef and two pounds of bread per person per week. These rations will ot enable them to reach their destinated ports, especially at this season. Besides, the water is very bad. “

A member of the Council of Halifax, Benjamin Green, who had been instrumental in ordering the deportation, was in Boston at the time. He went to see the living conditions of those “prisoners on water” and was horrified to see people literally dying on the decks. He contacted the members of the Legislature and offered to pay for medicine, food, and clothing if the sick, in need of attention, were allowed to land. The offer was accepted, and those who were sickly or who were going to be sent to North Carolina were brought ashore, among them were Jean and his soon to be wife, Marguerite Picotte. They were placed in old buildings or huts until they died or became well. Those who survived the winter were then dispersed throughout the colony. Jean and his then new wife and children, Mathurin, Anne Marie and Elizabeth were sent to Wilmington, where they stayed until 1760. It is interesting to note that Elizabeth was born in 1755 which may mean the Jean and Marguerite were married in early 1755, or that Elizabeth was not Jean’s daughter and that her Father had died during the deportation as had Jean’s first wife, Claire Helene Benoit.

The Acadians in Boston turned to be a financial drain on the people of Massachusetts and it was decided, on September 16, 1756,that “the French inhabitants, being unable to provide for their needs in this season, would not be admitted unless the Government of Nova Scotia refunded all expenses involved.” At that time, there were almost two thousand Acadians in Massachusetts.

Lack of funds and understanding between the English speaking Puritans and the French speaking Catholics froin (sic) Acadia made Jean Guidry’s stay in Boston a very difficult one. The Acadians were confined to the town limits in whatever area they were assigned. Penalties for violating this law were harsh. Rations were given to those families who took care of the Acadians, though the rations did not always come when expected. “5352

    ____________________

“ . . . Jean spent his first five years at Wilmington and his last six at Woburn. His move to Woburn came as a result of his intolerable conditions in Wilmington. Jean petitioned the Massachusetts Legislature on numerous occasions demanding better living conditions for himself and his family. There are to be found many of these petitions in the Massachusetts Archives, Jean’s name being given some ten times as John Labardor or Labrador. After 1763, he is found listed as John or Jean Guidry, Gaidry, Guidri or Guidrit. These petitions provide some of the best historic documentation we have of Jean’s life in Acadia and in Boston. In one petition he states:

“ John Labrador sheweth that while he lived at Maligast (Mirligueche) he was so faithful in serving and assisting all Englishmen in distress and from the cruelty of the Indians that one day in particular, having sent away out of the harbour one vessel which the Indians intended to prey on and which they forbade him at his peril, they waylaid him coming from the vessel and shot him with buckshot, several of which were log’d in his flesh and thirty odd went thro his coat which marks he now bears, having three yet in his back, but they not satisfied with that treatn’d to take his life away the first opportunity which obliged him to abandon his habitation and go live in Pisiquite”.

Because the Acadians were under state supervision, any decisions made regarding them had to be made by the State Legislature. In December 1757, Jean Guidry describes the kind of living conditions he had to bear in Wilmington:

“ . . . in ten weeks, he received nothing but a haunch of lamb and one quart of milk a day. He has no wood (December 26, 1757) because they refused to lend him an ox to haul the wood he cut. So then, he is without food or fire in a house that has no door and no roof. When it rains, they have to move their beds along a wall against the wind in order to avoid rain and snow. Once he remarked to a Councillor that they were flooded in the house: the Councillor replied that they should build a boat and float. “

Again on January 10, 1758, a petition was signed by Francis Mius, “a Nova Scotian French person placed at Tewkesbury.” It was likewise endorsed by “Lawarence Mius, placed at Methuen”, and brought forth the complaints also “of John Labrador, another placed at Wilmington - respectfully setting forth the hardships and sufferings they undergo in the present situation. “

Apparently Jean’s petitons met with some success for we find him moved to Woburn in 1760. His family continued to grow and 1763 he had 5 sons and 2 daughters. This seems amazing when you consider that over half of the Acadians in Massachusetts are reported to have died during their exile there. In 1763, when Jean and other Acadians signed a petition requesting to be sent to France, only about 1000 of the original group of Acadians, out of the 2000 deported in 1755 remained alive.

With the fall of Montreal on September 8, 1759, tbe (sic) French and Indian War was all but over. For the terms of surrender, Vaudreuil, the French Governor, had presented fifty-five articles of peace to Amherst, the King of England’s representative. On the margin of the 39th Article which stipulated that all the French must remain in Canada and not be deported, Amherst wrote, “Agreed except as regards the Acadians”. Again as a marginal note to the 54th Article, which would guarantee a safe return of officers, militiamen and Acadian prisoners in New England to their respective countries, the general scribbled, “Accepted, but with reservation to the Acadians”.

With the French and Indian War concluded, the Acadians in Boston and vicinity began to hope to leave their exile. Up to this time, France had not taken an active part in rescuing the Acadians from the American colonies but had provided, when requested, refuge to great numbers of them exiled to England, Île Royale, Île St-Jean and from the American continent. In fact, the first to arrive in Cherbourg, France was from Bosotn. However, at peace negotiations held in England, the Duke of Nivernois, Peer of France, who represented the French King, was made more fully aware of the Acadians’ plight. On his return to France he had his Secretary de la Rochette write letters to the Acadians in the English colonies in America, inviting them to come to France to be with friends and relatives. When the 1000 Acadians in Boston and Massachusetts heard of Rochette’s letter, they signed a petition asking to return to France. Note their request as itemized above.

As soon as the Lords of Trade in England learned of Nivernois’ scheme to attract the Acadians to France or to her tropical colonies, a formal protest was registered with the French Ambassador. Notwithstanding, on December 6, 1763, the French Duke wrote Choisel to keep sending boats to pick up the Acadians, particularly those in New York and Boston. He assumed the Acadians there would find a way to leave America. None went to France. Some went to Louisiana, while other like Jean returned to Canada. A few remained where they had been exiled and were finally absorbed into the surrounding population.

Although Acadians started leaving Boston as early as 1763, Jean and his family did not get permission until 1766. Missing the boats to France and Louisiana, Jean Guidry signed his name with a group of Acadians to a list of persons requesting to be transferred to St. Dominique Island in the West Indies. This petition was signed on December 1, 1764, at which time Jean signs his name “Guedrit” and states that there are ten in his family. The petition for passage to the West Indies was denied on the grounds that the Acadians were English subjects and should remain under English rule.

In 1765, Governor Murray of Canada signed a decree requesting English subjects to settle in Quebec. On January 13, 1766, several Acadians asked the Governor of Boston for permission to write to Murray to obtain his approval for their return to Canada. Permission to make that appeal was granted. Murray, in turn, promised to try to accomodate the Acadians, apparently seeing it as an advantage to have the Acadians settle where they could be an asset to Canada and the British Empire. After sending inquiries out to different parts of Quebec, Murray found several areas, mostly around Montreal, willing to welcome these exiled Acadians. On June 2, 1766, Jean signed another petition, along with 890 Acadians in the Boston area asking to be released in order to proceed with the move to Quebec. Permission was granted and on June 13, 1766, most of the Acadians left the villages they had been exiled to, determined to find their way back to their homeland. Some traveled by boat, while others walked by way of Lake Champlain. On September 8, 1766, the Quebec Gazette announced the arrival of these Acadians.

Jean and Marguerite went up the river to Montreal until some parish priest met them and led them to his parish. On October 16, 1766, M. Degneay, the Cure of l’Assomption, took in about 80 Acadians (12 or 13 families) to help them get started in their new life. Jean and Marguerite were part of this group guided by Father Degneay to the town of l’Assomption where they spent the winter in a warehouse near the church. Soon after their arrival in l’Assomption, Jean and Marguerite had their marriage blessed by the church and had the Baptism of four their children, born in exile, validated.

After spending a long winter in the warehouse, Jean and his family became the first Acadians to buy land along the grand line from St. Alexis, near Ruisseau St. Georges. This land was purchased on April 2, 1767. It had been completely paid for by 1781 and would stay in the family for over one hundred years, finally being sold by Modeste Guildry dit Labine in 1871.

Along with being one of the first Acadians to buy land, Jean was also one of the first to build a house along Ruisseau St. Georges, no doubt similar in style to that of early architecture.

The turmoil in his life all but over, Jean could finally turn his attention to raising a family and being a farmer. He and Marguerite raised eleven children in Quebec, although the oldest, Anne Marie, married Nicolas Dufault soon after their arrival in Quebec, (September 14, 1767). Four of Jean’s sons, as far as we know, (Olivier, Jean Baptiste, Charles and Mathurin) spent some time as voyageurs. Olivier eventually worked his way down the Mississippi to Louisiana to reunite with the Guidrys there. Mathurin drowned in the Lachine rapids while still young.

Jean outlived his second wife, Marguerite, and in 1799, married for the third time, Marie Angelique Marois, the widow of Pierre Milot. A death certificate dated 1802 indicates that Jean died at age 80. He is most likely buried at the old cemetery site in St. Jacques though no markers give evidence of this and the original burial ground is not clearly located.

We don’t know how the deportation and difficult times affected Jean and his family once they settled at St. Jacques. Like other refugees in other times, they more than likely talked about their experience very little, and spent the rest of their lives thinking about the future, rather than the past. There is a strong possibility that Jean’s son Olivier, sent word back to Quebec that he had found his Uncles, Jean Guidry’s brothers, in Louisiana. We can be certain in saying, however, that they never saw one another again.

Jean Guidry dit Labrador dit Labine lived a remarkable life, one full of turmoil, adventure, hardship, tragedy, courage and endurance. In death he would finally find that eternal peace that his life seemed to have very little of. He left behind him a great number of descendants and the Labine family multiplied and grew. “5353

    ____________________

On the 26th of December 1757 the Petition of John Labardor of Wilmington, Massachusetts to Thomas Pownall, Governor and the Council and House of Representatives in the General Court, states:

“ No. 576

To his Excellency Thomas Pownall Esq. Goverfnor the Honourable the Council & House of Representatives in General Court assembled.

The humble Petition of John Labardor sheweth that while he lived at Maligast he was so faithful in serving and assisting all Englishmen in distress and from the cruelties of the Indians that one day in particular having sent away out of the harbuor one vessel which the Indians intended to prey on and which they forbade him at his peril, they waylaid him coming from the vessel and shot at him with Buckshot seven of which were log’d in his flesh and Thirty odd went thro his coat which marks he now bears, having three yet in his back, but they not satisfied with that treatn’d to take his life away the first opportunity which obliged him to abandon his habitation and go live to Pisiguite, but having done all the service in his power, and in a perishable condition at pres’t without any regard or pity showed him almost breaked his heart. For those ten weeks he has had no kind of subsistance only one quarter lamb, and about a quart Milk each Day among seven in family without wood having at length refused him oxen to fetch home his wood which he always cut himself, and left them now in that condition without victuals or firing, and in a kind of house without doors or Roof for when it rains they are obliged to shift their bed from part of the wett to leeward and from a melting snow there is no screeing and having told one of the selectman that we were afloat in the house he said I must build a boat and sail in it. He has with his family lived chiefly on acorns three weeks without any pity, and innumerable other cruelties too tedious to mention.

Therefore if your honours would permit him to quit Wilmington that place of woe and come to Charlestown he would for you as in duty bound forever pray so hoping for the love of God (that your Honours being the fathers of your country) you will help and redress the grievances of the distressed, and in this confidence subscribed himself.
Your Honours most Dutiful servt

JN. LABARDOR

Wilminton 26th Dec. 1757.

In council Jan. 10, 1758. Read and ordered that James Minot, Esq. with such as the Hon House shall join be a comittee to consider of their Petition and Report what they judge proper to be done in the affair.
Sent down for Concurrence

A. OLIVER, Sec.

In House of Rep., Jan. 15, 1758. Read and concurred and Col. Choate and Col. Buckmington are joined in the affair.

T. HUBBARD, Spk. “5355

    ____________________

No. 484

BOSTON, AUG. 24th, 1763.

JASPER MAUDUIT, ESQ:

Sr. -- In the general Court’s letter to you, dated the 16th of June last, you were informed that the Nova Scotia French sent here in 1755 had occasioned an expense to the Province for their support to June 1759 of £6543 19 9 Sterling. It being near the end of the session when that letter was sent, there was not opportunity to collect the amount of their support to the present time: but this has been since done.

And you herewith have a particular account of the whole sum that has been paid out of the Province Treasury for supporting them since their first arrival, amounting to £9563 9-10 of a Pound Sterling. This account is authenticated by a certificate from the Sec., and another from the Province Treasurer.

The reason of transmitting to you this account at this time, is, that his Excellency the Gov. has had communicated to him by some of the principals of sd. Nova Scotians, letters from London written in consequence of a declaration of the French Ambassador, the Duke de Nivernois, acquainting them that his most Xtien Majesty looking upon them as some of his most faithful subjects would order Transports for conveying them to France upon their signifying the number within this Province that wanted a conveyance. They have accordingly made out a list and exhibited a copy of it to his Excellency the Governor, an abstract of which his Excellency has sent to the Lords of Trade: a copy of it I now enclose you. By this list it appears that there are 1019 within the Province and they appear to be all desirous of going. As the French King looks upon them as his subjects, he must look upon them as Prisoners of war, and therefore by agreement between the two Crowns, Great Briton is entitled to a Reimbursement of the expense that has accrued by supporting them. This reimbursement you’ll please to apply for pursuant to the agreement aforesaid, and if by any means it should fail in that method of application, you will endeavor in pursuance of the genl. Court’s direction contained in their letter aforesaid to obtain it in the way you judge most suitable. This is written to you in the name and by the direction of the Gov. & Council.


No. 485

Since the before mentioned the mentioned letters were communicated to the Governor, these French People have received an invitation from Mr. Robin, a French Protestant who hath obtained a grant from the Crown of a tract of land lying on the Bay or River Merrimeche, [Miramichi] in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to settle on the said Grant. Some of them may probably embrace this offer. They seem generally inclined to remove out of the Province. If this should be (the) case and we lose the benefits of their service now they might be made useful subjects; after that we have been at the charge of supporting them while they were looked upon as Enemies, the Province hath an equitable claim to a reimbursement at all Events. It was much against their inclination that they received them at first, but out of a dutiful Regard to his Majesty’s Service, they were permitted to come among Us, and were supported by Us, while some of our neighboring Governments refused those who were sent to them, many of whom afterwards found their way into this Province, and increased our charge. You will therefore endeavor in pursuance of the General Court’s direction contained in this letter afores’d, to obtain a reimbursement in the way you judge most suitable. His Excellency having wrote to the Lords of Trade upon the subject may facilitate your application, which we hope will prove successful.

This letter is wrote you in the name and by the direction of the Governor & Council.

You will observe a difference in the sums a[s] certified by the Secretary and Treasurer respectively. The Secr. certifies the sums for which warrants have been issued, the Treasurer certifys the actual payments: it is possible some of the warrants may not yet have come to hand: be that as it will the Government must be content to have the account settled agreeable to the actual payments.

You have for you further information in this matter, copies enclosed of a paragraph of a letter from Mr. Bollan of 1 Oct. 1757, and of the Petition of his Majesty therein referred to.

24 Augt. HON. ADREW OLIVER, ESQ.


(Mr. Boudon’s Compliments, wait upon the Secretary with a draft of a letter to the Agent on the subject mentioned in council today. The Secr. will please to make such such alterations as he thinks proper.


No. 486

A LIST OF THE FRENCH WHO DESIRE TO GO TO OLD FRANCE, WITH LETTER OF
AUG. 24TH, 1763.

Heads of Families Sons Daughters Total

. . . .


La veuve Robicho 2 3 6
Benoni Dousel [Doucet] & Marie - - 2
Jean Gaidry [Guedry] & Marie 5 2 9
Aman Bodot [Boudrot (?)] & Isabelle 2 3 7
Joseph Brox [Breau] & Anne - 1 3

. . . .

. ____ ____ ____
. 64 75 1,019


At a Council holden at Halifax on Thursday the 18th August 1763.

Present

THE HONORABLE THE LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR

The Honorable Charle Morris
Richard Bulkeley
Alexander Grant Councillors
Henry Newton
Michael Francklin

The Lieutenant Governor informed the Council that Mr. Deschamps had transmitted to him the Copy of a Letter found in the hands of Joseph Broussard alias Beausoleil at Pesiquid, which was handed about among the French Acadians, and wrote by one De la Rochette, said to be a clerk to the Duke de Nivernois, and inviting them to go to France where they should be immediately received into the French King’s protection, Which Letter the Lieutenant Governor thought proper to be communicated to the Council for their opinion and advice, being as follows, vigt:

“fait á Liverpool le 18 mars 1763.

“Messieurs et chers frères “
“Nous ont [avons] ordre de Monseigneur le Duc de Nivernois, Ambassadeur extraordinaire de Sa Majesté trés Chrétienne qui reste actuellement a Londres pour un longtems de vous faire tenir la Copie de celle qu’il nous a donnée, qui est que le traitté définitif est signé, et l’on va procéder Immédiatement á votre renvoi en france, comme le Reglement a ce sujet ne peut ce prendre qu’en sachant Exactement le nombre de ceux ou de celles qui veullent s’en rapporter á la Protection du roi de france, il est necessaire que vous lui en faisier tenir la Liste le plutôt qu’il vous sera possible, cette liste contiendra les nom des hommes et des femmes et des Enfants, chacun la signera pour soi. Et ceux qui ne sauront pas signer mettront leurs marques.

“J’ai le plaisir de vous apprendre que votre Traitement sera en france Encore plus avantageux que vous ne l’attender, et que vous serés sous la protection Immédiate du Roi et de son ministre, Monseigneur Le duc de Nivernois.

“Communiquez à nos Frères cette Lettre et assurés les bien de la protection [sic] que j’approuve, en leur annonçant leur prochaine delivrance.

J’ai L’honneur détre très parfaitement
Messieurs,
Votre Très Humble et Obeisst. Servt.

De La ROCHETTE

“Nous [ont] avons, tous les ceux qui sont en Angleterre, pris cette Liste, et nous sommes tous sur notre depart pour passer En France, Nous prions tous Dieu de vous y voir avec nous. Nous vous assurons que quelque parts que nous allions nous n’auront plus de neutralité puisqu’il n’y En aura plus. prenons donc le parti de notre Religion, C’est La Grâce, Messieurs que vous demandent ceux qui sont bien sincerement.

“Vos Très Humbles Servrs
“Les Acadiens

ALEXIS TRAHAN
TRANQUILLE PRINCE
JOSEPH LEBLANC
ALEXIS BOUDROT

__________

Mon cher Ami, -- Je vous faif parvenir la Copie de cette Lettre pour que vous en Envoyés une Copie au Port Royal, et que vous leur fassiés a savoir le parti qu’ils doivent prendre, et comme nous Esperont la Lettre qui a Eté Ecrite pour être Envoyé á tout le public Lorsquelle nous sera parvenu nous vous l’envoiront paraillement.

Je suis trés parfaitement
“Mon cher ami
“Votre serviteur

“LEMAIGRE le père.



HALIFAX, le 30e Juillet 1763.

A MONSIEUR BROUSSARD dit BEAUSOLEIL
Pigiguit.

It appearing to the Council that the said letter had been received by one Joseph LeMaigre in this Town and by him sent to the said Broussard, le Maigre was sent for, and being examined acknowledged that he had received the said letter from Philadelphia and had sent it to Beausoleil to be communicated to the french Acadians in this Country. He also acknowledged that he had received at the same time another paper, which being produced was ordered to be entered as follows:--


LIVERPOOL, le 18 mars 1763.

MESIEUR, -- comme J’espère que vous ne manquerez pas de vous Reprod’huyre a monSeigneur le Duc de Nivernois Je man vais vous en donner Le moyin, votre representation Cachète et à dressez au duc puis vous metterez La dresse avec une enveloppe desus et vous metterez La dresse que Voicy suivante:

To MR. ANTHONY KASTLING
At Old England Coffee House
St. Martins Lane
To London.

Vous pouvez par Le premier Vaisseau que vous Trouverrez qui viendra en Agnleterre, Envoyez votre Liste, aussytôt quel sera attérée, soit en Angleterre, ou en Hirlande elle yra à son adresse à Londres &c.

N’espérez point de soulagement de france sil vous retourniez en notre [pays] natal parce qu’il veut retirer tous Les Ceux qui veulent aller à luy.

Votre serviteur.

The Council were of Opinion that the further examination of this affair should be deferred till the arrival of Beausoleil, and did advice that the Lieutenant Governor would be sent for to Halifax, in order & be examined touching the said letter.


At a Council holden at Halifax on Monday the 22 August, 1763.

Present:

THE HONORABLE THE LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR

The Honorable Charles Morris
Richard Bulkeley
Edmund Crawley Councillors
Henry Newton
Michael Franklin

His Majesty’s Council having examined the several french Letters found in the hands of Joseph Leblanc alias Lemaigre, and Joseph Broussard alias Beausoleil, and having also examined the said persons touching the substance of the said Letters, Do Advise that the Lieutenant Governor will be pleased to transmit the said Letter to His Majesty’s Secretary of State, with such Representations thereon, as to him shall appear most expedient; being of opinion that such correspondence between His Majesty’s subjects and those of the French King, without the knowledge of government may be prejudicial of His Majesty’s Interest. “5356

    ____________________

“ GOVERNMENT OF THE LEWARD ISLANDS.

Charles Theodat, Count D’Estaing Nominated and admitted Knight of the Orders of the King, Lieut.-General of his Army and Navy, Governor General and Representative of His Majesty’s Person in the Leward Islands in America and the seas adjacent.

Be it known to all the Acadians residing in New England that all each of them whether men, women or children as are willing to go the the french colonies in Saint Domingo may apply to Mr. John Hanson Merchant at New York, who will furnish them with necessary Provision and Procure them passages to the aforesaid colonies, where they shall be kindly received. They shall have grants of land made to them and they shall be maintained by the King during the first months of their abode and until they shall be able to maintain themselves.

At Cape Francois in the Island of Saint Domingo the 26 June 1764.
By Order,
MARTIN

(Translated from the French.)

BOSTON December 1, 1764.

To His Excellency the Governour Commander in Chief of Massachusetts Bay.

We take the liberty, all of us in general, of presenting to your Excellency a few words presuming to intreat your honour to grant us a general passport for all of us who shall incline to go to Hispaniola.

We intreat your honourable person to comply with our request if your honour think fit and consent to our request..

Signed by the chief of the Acadian families.

Such as here present without reckoning such as are not Present.

Names. Number in each family.

. . . .

Jean Landry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Aman Braux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Jean Guedrit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Jean Leblanc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

. . . .

Total number . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350

To the above must be added the following names, who gave their list December 10 1764:

. . . .

Total number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .406

With few exceptions all these 66 heads of families went to the Province of Quebec in 1766, 1767 and following years, and settled there.


At a Council held held at the Council Chamber in Boston, the 19th of Dec., 1764.

His Excellency the Governor having communicated to the Board an application he had received from some of the French Acadians who had come to Boston in order to take passage for some of the French Islands and are now destitute of all means of support.

Advised That His Excellency recommend it to the overseers of the Poor of the Town of Boston to make Particular Inquiry into the circumstances of those People and to take an accounty (of) what Towns they come from and the number from each Town, and that a sum not exceeding £25 be advanced to the Overseers for their present support and that they be desired to devise means for putting an end to this charge by returning them to their respective towns if possible, and to prevent any more of them from comming in; and to lay some state of the affair before his Excellency and the Board on Wednesday next.

A. OLIVER, Sec.

The Overseers of the Poor of the Town of Boston beg leave to acquaint your Excellency and Honours that immediately upon the receipt of the within recommendation they were called together, sett themselves about the Business therein pointed out and make the following Report.

That most of these poor Accadians we found very sick and others daily taken down which as we apprehend is chiefly owing to the distressed circumstances these people were under before any relief was afforded them. Those of them who are in health and are able to work the season of the year is such that but little labour is to be done: it appears to us they are solicitously careful to find employ yet they cannot obtain sufficient for the support of themselves much less their Family, &c.

As to putting an immediate end to this charge the method printed in your Excellency’s recommendation would be most effectual, but when we consider the Season of the Year and reflect on their present Circumstances, that in some of the Familys are the aged and infirm, in others those who are sick and in all women and young children, we cannot think it eligible to say the least so much as to attempt at present to prosecute it etc.

We beg leave to mention to your Excellency & Honours as one means of putting an end to the present method of their support That the Selectmen of the several Towns which they were assigned by the General Court be made particularly acquainted with their circumstances that they themselves make take further care as to them may seem meet.

With respect to the preventing of others comming into this Town with the same expectations we cannot conceive of any method more effectual than that already taken by your Excellency in issuing your Proclamation so generally spread forbidding any person to carry them off.

We are with Great Esteem
Your Excellency’s & Honours most humble servants.

JOHN BARRET per Order.



AT BOSTON the 1st January 1765.

We Acadians have a great desire to to the french Colonies. We take the liberty to present a second Petition to your Excellency the Governor & Commander in Chief of the Massachusetts Bay to you and your Council wishing you a good year & great Prosperity flattering ourselves, Sir, that your honorable Person will do us Perfect justice in respect to what we Pray for.

You are well acquainted Sir, with the offer which has been made us from Colonies. For nine years we have lived in hopes of joining our Country men and its seems to us that you have caused a door which was open to be shut upon us. We have always understood that in time of Peace and in all countries the prison doors are open to Prisoners. It is therefore astonishing to us, Sir, to be detained here. We are told that we are allowed the liberty of our religion which is contrary to what we think to be the case, for it seems to us that if you detain us here you take from us the free exercise of our religion. This is very hard upon us. It is hard to reflect upon our Present situation, to see ourselves by one sudden blow rendered incapable of affording ourselves relief.

Sir, If you do not take compassion on us, we believe we shall Perish with cold and hunger.

Sir, Since we Presented our Petition to you we receive 94 Pounds of mutton, two loads of wood, two bushels of Pease, five bushels of Potatoes and turnips for seventy two of us.

Sir, This is very hard after having been ruined as we have been. There are some of your People that think we are rich. This has never been the case with us yet, since we have been in this country, but less so at present than ever, for all the riches which remain to us are Poverty and Misery.

Thus, Sir, we intreat you to be so good as to have compassion on us Poor People for the remaining time we are to tarry here.


signed by
JEAN TRAHANT.
CASTIN THIBODOT.
JEAN HEBAIRE.
CHARLE LANDRY.
ALLEXIS BRAUX.


Message of Governor Francis Bernard respecting the Acadians.

Gentlemen of the Council and gentlemen of the House of Representatives.

About three months ago, I was first informed that the Acadians belonging to this Province were going hence in large numbers to form a settlement in French Hispaniola. As I have all along considered these People to be British subjects, and have some time ago submitted their case to his Majesty’s Ministers of State, and prayed their directions concerning them, I could not suffer these Emigrations to be carried under my eye, until I have received orders thereof from home. I therefore with the advice of the Council issued a Proclamation to prevent their transportations. Since which I have received several Petitions from them, complaining of the want of subsistance here. With the advice of the Council, I procure them some relief for the present, until the General Court meet. I now lay before you their Petitions with other Papers relating thereto; and desire your advice and assistance concerning these People.

Their case is truly pitiable: if they go to Hispaniola, they run into certain destruction, very few escaping with life, the Effects of the bad climate there, and yet they have no encouragement to continue in this country. Humanity more than Policy makes me desirous to prevent the remainder of them taking this fatal voyage. I want not so much to make them British Subjects, as to keep them from perishing. The first consideration must be to provide them present subsistence: After which I shall be very glad, if means could be concerted to procure them somewhere some Comfortable Settlement; that they may not be obliged to pursue the desperate resolution of removing to Hispaniola with little probability of surviving the Experiment.

COUNCIL CHAMBER FRA BERNARD
January 24, 1765.


The Committee appointed to take into consideration his Excellency’s message of the 25th (sic) Instant, relative to the Acadians now in the Province, beg leave to report, that they find the said People extremely averse to continue within the Province.

The Committee are therefore of opinion it would at present be to no purpose to make them any offer of land in order to a settlement.

The Committee find that a large number have left the Towns where they were placed, to come to Boston in order to remove to West Indies and that others had disposed of their Provisions and necessary utensils and lost much of their time in preparing for their Removal.

The Comtee further find that the Intent of his Excellency’s Proclamation was to restrain all persons from contracting for the removal of his Majesty’s Subjects in order to strengthen the Dominions of a foreign Prince. The Comtee find that the said Acadians by means of their disappointment are under necessitous circumstances and in danger of perishing unless immediately relieved by the Court.

The Committee therefore report it as their opinion that some assistance be offered to such of the Acadians as are so circumstanced to relieve and support them during the two following months.

which is submitted
per order of the Committee
BEN J. LYNDE.

In Council Feb. 2, 1765. Read and sent down.
In the House of Representatives Feb. 5, 1765. Read and not accepted.


In the House of Representatives, Feb. 15, 1765.

Resolved that the Acadians now in this town that by a former Order of this Court are Inhabitants of other Towns within this Province & are now subsisted [thro their necessity] at the public charge be further allowed at the charge of the Province four Days Provisions more here in order to prepare themselves for their removal as also the necessary Provision to support them in their return to the several Towns to which they Respectfully belong, allowing Eight miles for the sd four Days all such Acadians immediately be sent to the Town to which the belong & that the charge of the Transportation of such of them as shall be unable to travel be paid out of the public Treasury, And that the Commissary General be directed to supply the said Acadians with the aforesaid allowance of Provisions & to see to the Execution of this Order in regard to their Removal to their several & Respectives Towns.

Sent up for Concurrence
S. WHITE, Spk.

In Council, Feb. 7 (sic) 1765. Read and Concurred.
A. Oliver, Sec.

Consented to
FRA BERNARD


To His Excellency Francis Bernard Esq. Capt. General and Governor in Chief for
his Majesty of Great Briton in the Province of Massachusetts Bay in New
England at Boston & to the Gentlemen of the Council of Boston.

We the French of Acadia whom they call Neutrals, being in the Government of Boston & scattered through the country towns by order of Council, and having remained there several years without troubling the Government, but our families being greatly increased, we have been obliged to quite the country and to come to Boston in order to go away, but we were stopped by an order of Government which obliged us to remain at Boston & to endeavour to support ourselves and our poor families. Some follow the fishery, some work as labourers in the town where they are able to find work. Those that go a fishing are obliged to take up so much in necessaries that when they come home and what has been advanced is deducted nothing remains for the support of their families. Therefore we poor Frenchmen pray the Gentlemen of the Council to have pity & compassion upon us & many poor widows & our small children and help us this winter, so as to support life, which we are unable to do, and are obliged to have recourse to you to find us work being willing to labour, but not being able to find employment in this town.

Therefore we pray your Excellency and Gentlemen of the Council to regard us with an eye of pity & not to forget us and we shall be your most humble and obedient servants.

JEAN HEBERT
AUGUSTIN LE BLANC
his
PIERRE X TRAHAN
mark
his
MARIN X GOUDREAUX.
mark “5357

    ____________________

“ At Boston January 13, 1766.
To his Excellency Francis Bernard, governor in chief at Boston and his Majesty’s Council.

We the French Acadians, resident here, having presented a Memorial dated the 11th of last month to the Council and Court, praying them to assist us with something to maintain us this Winter and not having had any answer;

We humbly beg leave to desire your Excellency and his Majesty’s Council to have the goodness to transport us to Canada in proper vessels for us and our families with provisions to maintain us for one year, we having no means to do it ourselves. And we pray your Excellency the Governor to have the goodness to write to the Honourable James Murray, Governor and Commander General of the province of Canada, that he would be so good as to give us lands and assistance for us and our families after our arrival in Canada, according to his proclamation of the first of March, 1765. And in so doing you will oblige your most submissive servants, the subscribers.

Boston, Feb. 8, 1766. (Signed) JEAN TRAHAN.
ALEX BROC.
RENE LANDRY
ISAC GOURDEAUX.
AUGUSTIN LEBLANC.
ISIDORE GOURDAUX.
JEAN HEBERT.
JOSEPH MANZEROL.


Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
At the beginning of this Session I sent a message to you recommending a Petition of some French Accadians to which I have received no answer. I now recommend to you another Petition of the Accadians in general, which I desire you would immediately take into your consideration.

Ever since I have been Governor of this Province I have had great compassion for this People, as every one must who has considered that it was by the exigencies of War rather than any fault of their own that they were removed from a State of ease and affluence and brought into poverty and dependence; from which in their present situation they Can see no prospects of being delivered. I have heretofore made several attempts to them settled in some manner that might make them useful Subjects of Great Britain and Comfortable to themselves but I have failed for want of ability.

You have now an opportunity at no great Expense to dispose of these People, so that instead of being a burthen to the Province and to themselves as they are like to continue, whilst they remain here, they may become a fresh accession of wealth and strength to the British Empire in America; as it is certain that their Industry only waits for property to exert itself on, without which no one will be industrious. I therefore hope you will improve this occasion; and in so doing you will unite public Spirit and Charity.

FRA. BERNARD.

Council Chamber
Feb. 13th. 1766
Upon the Petition of the Acadians as referred in Govr Bernard’s Message to the House of Representatives, on the 13th of Feb. 1766.


In the House of Representatives Feb. 18, 1766.
Resolved that the Commissary General be directed forthwith to put in Execution the Resolve of the whole Court of the 15th February last respecting said Accadians, and if they refuse to go to the Several Towns to which they were assigned by order of this Court that then the House Rent and provisions they now receive be withdrawn and that they still be deemed ans Inhabitants of the Towns to which they were originally assigned.

But in case any of them should be in such necessitous circumstances as to require immediate relief & support, they shall be relieved at the Charge of the Province till they are in circumstances to return to sd Towns to which they belong.

Sent up for Concurrence.
S. WHITE, Spk.

In Council, 20th Feb. 1766. Read and non Concurred.
A. OLIVER, Sec.


In the House of Representatives Feb. 20, 1766.

Resolved That His Excellency the Govr be desired to write to the Govr of Canada to acquaint him of the Desire of the French Accadians in this Province to go thither and to Know of him whither he is willing to Receive them as settlers in that Government & that the sum of Twenty Pounds be allowed out of the public Treasury to enable the Govr to send two of the sd French People for the Purpose aforesaid.

Sent up for Concurrence

S. WHITE, Spk.

In Council Feb. 20, 1766.
Read & Concurred.

JNO. COTTON, D. Sec.

Consented to.

FRA. BERNARD.

Extract of a Letter from Govr. Murray to Govr. Bernard dated Quebec
the 28th April 1766.

Sir, -- I received some time ago your letter of the 25th Feby. relative to the Accadians in your Province: I think it will be for the good of the British Empire in General and that of this Province in particular that these people were settled here upon the same footing with his Majesty’s New Canadian subjects, and therefore I shall not hesitate to receive them. But as they formerly refused to take the Oath of Allegiance & abjuration, and by their Petition to me, it appears they expect to be supported here at the expense of Government until they can provide for themselves. I think it necessary to enclose my answer their Petition, which I beg you will be pleased to have Communicated to them in such a way that none may plead ignorance, this will prevent future heartburnings & reproaches on either side.

To his Excellency Francis Bernard Esq. Govr. &c. also to the Gentlemen of the Council.

Sir, -- We all the inhabitant Acadians in general thank your Excellency & the Gentlemen of the Council for having the Goodness to write in our favour to his Excllency James Murray Esq. Governor at Quebec &c.; & having received an answer from his Excellency for our going to settle in Canada; but his Excellency cannot assist us in any manner with provisions upon our arrival there.

We pray your Excellency and the Gentlemen of the Council to have the goodness to regard us with the Eye of pity and to assist us with something to enable us to live for some time after our arrival there.

Our situation being extreemely poor & miserable, & their being many poor widows incumbered with young children as well as persons advanced in years who are not able to wrok for their support, is the reason of flinging ourselves upon your protection you having been always ready to assist us and there being no one but you, gentlemen who can draw us out of the abiss of trouble in which we are.

Sir, -- We are in general resolved to take the oath of fidelity, and therefore pray you would give orders to transport us to Canada as soon as shall be possible. For great part of us have not worked for some time in expectation of our being removed; & we know not what part to take unless your Excellency & the Gentlemen of the Council will assist us in Our Want & regard our poor Condition

Your most humble most obedient, submissive & faithful subjects.

ALEXIS BRO
JEAN LANDRY
JEAN TIBODO
PIERRE MIUSE
AMAN LANDRY

Boston June 2, 1766

Liste Des Noms des francois qui veulent passés au Canada.
(Translation: List of the Names of the French who want to go to Canada.)

Name No. in each family


. . . .

Jean Hebert . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Joseph Manzerolle . . . . . . . . 4
Joseph Landry . . . . . . . . .. . 7
Jean Guedry . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Joseph Hebert . . . . . . . . . . 4
Castin Tibodo . . . . . . . . . . . 5

. . . .

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 890

. . . .


Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

According to the desire of the House last Session, I sent two Acadians, in Febry last, with letters to his Excellency Gov. Murray. One of them is since returned & has brought letters from Gov. Murray expressing his readiness to receive the Acadians if they shall be transported thither; but signifying his inability for want of a proper fund to make any provision for them upon their arrival.

The Acadians are willing to go & have given lists of those who are ready to the amount of 890 persons: They have also given in another petition praying some provisions may be made for supporting them for a little time after their arrival. All of which I lay before you that you may do herein as you shall think most proper.

FRA. BERNARD.
Council Chamber
June 9, 1766.


June, 1766.

The Comtee appointed to Examine into the State and Circumstances of the French Neutrals In the Province have attended that Service and they find that several Towns in the Province who had French Neutrals Assigned Them in the general distribution of them have for some Time past been wholly Freed from any Charges on their Account, and other Towns Remain at Considerable Charges, and further the Comtee find that agreeable to the Order of the House the Commissary General has supplyd the French with 8-10 and the Comtee also find that by Order of the Govr and Council Since August 21, 1765, the French have been supplyd with Sundreys and House Rent to the amount of £48, 15s, 8d, 2qt. And also with £20 granted by the General Court to enable two of the French to go to Canada: and that those French that have Recd the above £48, 15s, 7d, 2qr. Belong to Lenncester [Lancaster], Acton, Shrewsbury, Medford, Willmington, Worcester, Woburn, Barnstable, Hingham and Rutland.

AARON WOOD
per Order.


Mr. Otis, Col. Bowers and Mr. Sayward to draw a vote to prevent the neutrals being supplyd any further and to inquire relative to the money already advanced.

In the House of Representatives June 25, 1766.
Resolved that the sum of £48, 15, 8.2 which has been paid out of the Treasury of this Province by order of the Governor and Council for the support of sundry of the Accadians be added to the next year’s Tax of each of those Towns to which the several Persons for whose support the same money was advanced In the same proportion as the same was Paid out, and that no further sum be paid out of the Treasury for the support of any of those People without the orders of this Court.

A
Send up for concurrence.
T. CUSHING, Spk.

In Council 27 June 1766.
Read and Concurred with the amendment at A viz: cases of absolute necessity excepted.

Send down for concurrence.
A. OLIVER, Sec.

In the House of Representatives, June 27, 1766.
Read and non-concurred.
T. CUSHING, Spk.


Council June 27, 1766. Read.

The following item appears in “The Quebec Gazette” of September 1st, 1766:
“Last night came up the sloop Terrey, from Boston: She has brought with her about 40 Acadians, who, for the Benefit of their Religion, are come here to settle.”

On the 8th September, same year, “The Quebec Gazette: says:
“Thursday arriv’d here the sloop Good Intent, Samuel Harris, from Boston, with a number of Acadians, who are come here to settle.”

The Council met the same day and here is what was decided relating to these Acadians:
At the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Louis in the City of Quebec on Monday the Eight Day of September 1766.

Present:
The Honble Hector Théo Cramahé
Adam Mabane
Thomas Mills Esqs.
Walter Murray
James Goldfrap

The Council met this Day to read a petition from a number of Acadians just arrived from the province of New England in consequence of a Letter from His Excellency Governor Murray to them dated in April in answer to a petition from the Acadians, dated 28 February 1766.

The Board are of opinion that an order should be directed to the Commissary of the King’s provisions to issue to the Acadians being the number of Ninety men, women and children provisions for one month and that an advertisement should be published acquainting the different Seigneurs in this province of the arrival of these people; that they may without Loss of time Agree with them to settle on their lands upon the best terms the Can make.

Resolved that an order be given to the Commissary accordingly vizt: that a full Ration be furnished to the men and women and half a ration to the Children.

Signed H. T. CRAMAHE


On September 15, 1766 “The Quebec Gazette” published the following “Advertisements,
Council Chambers, Quebec, 8th September 1766.
“Whereas a Number of Acadians have lately arrived from New England, with an Intention to take up Lands and Settle in this Province; His Majesty’s Council have directed this public Intimation to be made to the different Seigneurs, that they may without Loss of Time agree with these Acadians to settle the unconceded Lands in their Seigneuries. “

“N. B. One Month’s Provisions are ordered to be issued to them, from his Majesty’s Stores, for Subsistence till they Can provide themselves as aforesaid.”

“By order of the Board, J. A. POTTS, D. D. C. “ “5366

    ____________________

“ No. 582

To His Excellency the Governor and Council in Boston, assembled:

The humble Petition of John Labardore shewith, that by reason of his large & helpless Family (having Eight Children) and the slackness of work he is reduced to great penury, and fears that if he stays in this place till Winter they must inevitably suffer: Therefore most earnestly begs you would grant him and family their passage to Quebec gratis where he had a Cousins House to go live in this Winter.

Your poor petitioner more especially claims your protection and favour, on account of his former services to the loyal subjects of Great Brittain in saving the lives of many of them when in imminent danger fo being destroyed by the Micmac Indians, and at the peril of his own life and all his there possessions which were pretty considerable; the truth of which several gentlemen here in Marblehead can attest if required. The last encounter he had with said Indians was on the occasion, viz.: An English vessel put into his Harbour, as he called it, which the Indians seeing sent him word that if he went on board to warn them of their danger as was his custom, they would kill him: But he said he would, and that he would suffer no murder to be committed in his place, upon which a Battle ensued between him & the savage messenger and the savage shot him with small shot whereof several remain in his body to this Day, and he obliged to fly to another part of the province to save his life, and which he submits to your wise considerations, and in hopes of you granting his request remains
Your most dutiful Servt.,

JOHN LABARDORE

BOSTON, 14th July, 1766.



No. 583

BOSTON, 23rd July, 1766.

GENTLEMEN, -- John Labardore, a French Accadian, whose Family is partly placed in your Town by the Government has applied to the Govr. & Council, desiring they may be carried to Quebec at the public Expense; but as the care of them is devolved upon you, I am by their direction to acquaint you of this their desire, & to recommend it to you, if you choose to part with them to make provision for their passage, or that you would otherwise fulfill your agreement with them. The arrears now due from you to these people would go a great way towards paying this Expense in case they should be willing to have it applied it in that manner; and there is a vessel sails for Quebec next Saturday. “5367

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Paul (Olivier GUEDRY - of Boston & Felicite AUCOIN - of Belle Isle en Mer, France) b. 25 March 1798, bt 7 June 1798 Pats: Augustin GUIDRY & Marguerite PICOT; Mats: Alexandre AUCOIN & Isabelle DUON - all of Acadie; Spons: Paul GUIDRY & Ludivine BROUSSARD. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 5, #61) “4087,5359

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Olivier (Olivier - of Boston & Felice ‘OCOING’ [AUCOIN] - of Belle Isle en Mer, France) b. 8 April 1800, bt. 7 May 1800 Pats: Augustin GUIDRY & Marguerite PICOT; Mats: Alexandre AUCOIN & Isabelle DUON - of Acadia; Spons: Joseph DUON & Scholastique HEBERT. ‘A una salida en’ (during a mission to] Vermillon at the home of Joseph DUON. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 5, #243) “5360,5361

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Alexandre (Olivier - Canadien, naturalized as an American in Philadelphia & Felicite OCOING de Belle Isle en Mere, France) b. Easter Sunday, 1803, bt. Aug. 1804 Pats: August GUEDRY & Marguerite PECOT - d’Acadie; Mats: Alexandre AUCOIN & Elizabeth DUON - of Acadie; Spons: Claude DUON & Elizabeth DUON. Done at the home of widow Pierre TRAHAN. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 2 p. 47 AND v. 1, last page) “4101,5362

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Alexandre (Olivier GUEDRY dit Canada of Philadelphia in America & Felicite OCOING - of Belle Isle en Mer, France) b. on Feast of the Pascal Resurrection [Easter] 1803, bt. 19 Aug. 1804 at Vermillon at wid. Pierre TRAHAN. Pats: Augustin GUIDRY & Marguerite PICOT - of Acadia; Mats: Alexandre OCOING & Elizabeth DUON - of Acadia; Spons: Claude DUON & Elizabeth DUON. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 6 #146) “4101,5363

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Charles (Olivier - native of Boston & Felice OCOING [AUCOIN], native of Belle isle en mer, France) b. 18 Nov. 1805, bt. 5 Jan. 1806 at Carencro residence of Joseph BRO. Pats: Augustin GUEDRY & Marguerite PICOT - of Acadie; Mats: Alexandre OCOING & Isabelle DUON [DUHON] - of Acadie; Spons: Louis ARSONNEAU & Marie Anne BRO - his spouse. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: v. 6-A, p. 4) “4294,5364

    ____________________

“ GUIDRY, Charles (Olivier - of Boston & Felice OCOING - of Belle-Île-en-Mer, France) b. 18 Nov. 1805, bt. 5 Jan. 1806 in Carencro at residence of Jospeh Athanase BRO Pats: Augustin GUEDRY & Marguerite PICOT; Mats: Alexandre OCOING & Izabelle DUON - all of Acadie; Spons: Louis ARSONNEAUX & Marie Anne BRO, his wife. Fr. Michel Bernard BARRIERE (SM Ch.: Folio E, p.9, #15) “4294,5365

None

Marie-Marguerite Picot
Marie Marguerite Picotte
Marguerite Piquot-Picot
Marguerite Picot
Margueritte Picot
Marguerite Pecot
Marguerite Picotte
Margarita Picot
Marie Picot

“ . . . Jean spent his first five years at Wilmington and his last six at Woburn. His move to Woburn came as a result of his intolerable conditions in Wilmington. Jean petitioned the Massachusetts Legislature on numerous occasions demanding better living conditions for himself and his family. There are to be found many of these petitions in the Massachusetts Archives, Jean’s name being given some ten times as John Labardor or Labrador. After 1763, he is found listed as John or Jean Guidry, Gaidry, Guidri or Guidrit. These petitions provide some of the best historic documentation we have of Jean’s life in Acadia and in Boston. In one petition he states:

“ John Labrador sheweth that while he lived at Maligast (Mirligueche) he was so faithful in serving and assisting all Englishmen in distress and from the cruelty of the Indians that one day in particular, having sent away out of the harbour one vessel which the Indians intended to prey on and which they forbade him at his peril, they waylaid him coming from the vessel and shot him with buckshot, several of which were log’d in his flesh and thirty odd went thro his coat which marks he now bears, having three yet in his back, but they not satisfied with that treatn’d to take his life away the first opportunity which obliged him to abandon his habitation and go live in Pisiquite”.

Because the Acadians were under state supervision, any decisions made regarding them had to be made by the State Legislature. In December 1757, Jean Guidry describes the kind of living conditions he had to bear in Wilmington:

“ . . . in ten weeks, he received nothing but a haunch of lamb and one quart of milk a day. He has no wood (December 26, 1757) because they refused to lend him an ox to haul the wood he cut. So then, he is without food or fire in a house that has no door and no roof. When it rains, they have to move their beds along a wall against the wind in order to avoid rain and snow. Once he remarked to a Councillor that they were flooded in the house: the Councillor replied that they should build a boat and float. “

Again on January 10, 1758, a petition was signed by Francis Mius, “a Nova Scotian French person placed at Tewkesbury.” It was likewise endorsed by “Lawarence Mius, placed at Methuen”, and brought forth the complaints also “of John Labrador, another placed at Wilmington - respectfully setting forth the hardships and sufferings they undergo in the present situation. “

Apparently Jean’s petitons met with some success for we find him moved to Woburn in 1760. His family continued to grow and 1763 he had 5 sons and 2 daughters. This seems amazing when you consider that over half of the Acadians in Massachusetts are reported to have died during their exile there. In 1763, when Jean and other Acadians signed a petition requesting to be sent to France, only about 1000 of the original group of Acadians, out of the 2000 deported in 1755 remained alive.

With the fall of Montreal on September 8, 1759, tbe (sic) French and Indian War was all but over. For the terms of surrender, Vaudreuil, the French Governor, had presented fifty-five articles of peace to Amherst, the King of England’s representative. On the margin of the 39th Article which stipulated that all the French must remain in Canada and not be deported, Amherst wrote, “Agreed except as regards the Acadians”. Again as a marginal note to the 54th Article, which would guarantee a safe return of officers, militiamen and Acadian prisoners in New England to their respective countries, the general scribbled, “Accepted, but with reservation to the Acadians”.

With the French and Indian War concluded, the Acadians in Boston and vicinity began to hope to leave their exile. Up to this time, France had not taken an active part in rescuing the Acadians from the American colonies but had provided, when requested, refuge to great numbers of them exiled to England, Île Royale, Île St-Jean and from the American continent. In fact, the first to arrive in Cherbourg, France was from Bosotn. However, at peace negotiations held in England, the Duke of Nivernois, Peer of France, who represented the French King, was made more fully aware of the Acadians’ plight. On his return to France he had his Secretary de la Rochette write letters to the Acadians in the English colonies in America, inviting them to come to France to be with friends and relatives. When the 1000 Acadians in Boston and Massachusetts heard of Rochette’s letter, they signed a petition asking to return to France. Note their request as itemized above.

As soon as the Lords of Trade in England learned of Nivernois’ scheme to attract the Acadians to France or to her tropical colonies, a formal protest was registered with the French Ambassador. Notwithstanding, on December 6, 1763, the French Duke wrote Choisel to keep sending boats to pick up the Acadians, particularly those in New York and Boston. He assumed the Acadians there would find a way to leave America. None went to France. Some went to Louisiana, while other like Jean returned to Canada. A few remained where they had been exiled and were finally absorbed into the surrounding population.

Although Acadians started leaving Boston as early as 1763, Jean and his family did not get permission until 1766. Missing the boats to France and Louisiana, Jean Guidry signed his name with a group of Acadians to a list of persons requesting to be transferred to St. Dominique Island in the West Indies. This petition was signed on December 1, 1764, at which time Jean signs his name “Guedrit” and states that there are ten in his family. The petition for passage to the West Indies was denied on the grounds that the Acadians were English subjects and should remain under English rule.

In 1765, Governor Murray of Canada signed a decree requesting English subjects to settle in Quebec. On January 13, 1766, several Acadians asked the Governor of Boston for permission to write to Murray to obtain his approval for their return to Canada. Permission to make that appeal was granted. Murray, in turn, promised to try to accomodate the Acadians, apparently seeing it as an advantage to have the Acadians settle where they could be an asset to Canada and the British Empire. After sending inquiries out to different parts of Quebec, Murray found several areas, mostly around Montreal, willing to welcome these exiled Acadians. On June 2, 1766, Jean signed another petition, along with 890 Acadians in the Boston area asking to be released in order to proceed with the move to Quebec. Permission was granted and on June 13, 1766, most of the Acadians left the villages they had been exiled to, determined to find their way back to their homeland. Some traveled by boat, while others walked by way of Lake Champlain. On September 8, 1766, the Quebec Gazette announced the arrival of these Acadians.

Jean and Marguerite went up the river to Montreal until some parish priest met them and led them to his parish. On October 16, 1766, M. Degneay, the Cure of l’Assomption, took in about 80 Acadians (12 or 13 families) to help them get started in their new life. Jean and Marguerite were part of this group guided by Father Degneay to the town of l’Assomption where they spent the winter in a warehouse near the church. Soon after their arrival in l’Assomption, Jean and Marguerite had their marriage blessed by the church and had the Baptism of four their children, born in exile, validated.

After spending a long winter in the warehouse, Jean and his family became the first Acadians to buy land along the grand line from St. Alexis, near Ruisseau St. Georges. This land was purchased on April 2, 1767. It had been completely paid for by 1781 and would stay in the family for over one hundred years, finally being sold by Modeste Guildry dit Labine in 1871.

Along with being one of the first Acadians to buy land, Jean was also one of the first to build a house along Ruisseau St. Georges, no doubt similar in style to that of early architecture.

The turmoil in his life all but over, Jean could finally turn his attention to raising a family and being a farmer. He and Marguerite raised eleven children in Quebec, although the oldest, Anne Marie, married Nicolas Dufault soon after their arrival in Quebec, (September 14, 1767). Four of Jean’s sons, as far as we know, (Olivier, Jean Baptiste, Charles and Mathurin) spent some time as voyageurs. Olivier eventually worked his way down the Mississippi to Louisiana to reunite with the Guidrys there. Mathurin drowned in the Lachine rapids while still young.

Jean outlived his second wife, Marguerite, and in 1799, married for the third time, Marie Angelique Marois, the widow of Pierre Milot. A death certificate dated 1802 indicates that Jean died at age 80. He is most likely buried at the old cemetery site in St. Jacques though no markers give evidence of this and the original burial ground is not clearly located.

We don’t know how the deportation and difficult times affected Jean and his family once they settled at St. Jacques. Like other refugees in other times, they more than likely talked about their experience very little, and spent the rest of their lives thinking about the future, rather than the past. There is a strong possibility that Jean’s son Olivier, sent word back to Quebec that he had found his Uncles, Jean Guidry’s brothers, in Louisiana. We can be certain in saying, however, that they never saw one another again.

Jean Guidry dit Labrador dit Labine lived a remarkable life, one full of turmoil, adventure, hardship, tragedy, courage and endurance. In death he would finally find that eternal peace that his life seemed to have very little of. He left behind him a great number of descendants and the Labine family multiplied and grew. “5353

None

Marie Angélique Marois
Marie Angelique Marois
Marie Angelique Marios
Marie Angélique Maois